A Letter by executed teacher Farzad Kamangar:
“YOU ARE FORBIDDEN TO WRITE!”

I still remember when they first separated us from each other during our childhood when we played, only because you were a girl. You left the game with teary eyes and I still crave to sit and watch you as we play student and teacher.

My Dearest, this inattentive student in your classroom, in the midst of the tumultuous nationwide security scheme, is still craving to hold your hands in public while mumbling forbidden words of love and flashing many smiles, much like our childhood days. It is as if your childhood playmate does not feel the passing of years. It is as if they have not carried out all these projects to separate men from women.

Your childhood playmate is craving for equality in the decades of much oral and written warnings, handcuffs, courtrooms, and black veils. It is as if he doesn’t know that in a century where people of your gender are traversing space and are hugging the stars, we have [religious] men who wear green and dictate the type of shoes you must wear and measure the tightness of your pants to ensure the security of your land!

Your calm childhood playmate never grew up. Here, from behind the prison walls, he is craving the narrow alleys of the warm and quiet summers of our town, while the residents were all asleep. He is waiting for another opportunity to come to you as a guest where you will share your plate of watermelons with him.

My dearest, these days, your playmate is terribly wanting to get away- as if he still doesn’t know that you have reached the age when you can receive inheritance! As if he doesn’t want to believe that some women are awaiting their stoning sentences. He doesn’t want to believe that in a world where thoughts, rights, freedom, dignity, humanity, and the motherland are on sale, a woman still does not own her own body.

By the way, how did all this inequality and separation begin?

Did it begin when Eve’s “ferocious craving” led her to ignore God’s orders and chose Earth as a place of her suffering? Or was it when for the first time a little girl let her hair loose in the wind? The wind ran through her hair and took with it the secrets of her loose hair from town to town and whispered them in the ears of the mountains and the trees. Did this “great travesty” cause the wrath of the tribe? Maybe not! When the spring water saw the reflections of a beautiful little girl in itself and fell in love with her and whispered about her beauty in her ears? And the river, mesmerized, told of this love story to the seas. Maybe all these stolen glances did not go down well with the “men of honour” who grounded the little girl in her home.

Or was it that when we shook hands with nine year old angels, the foundation of our beliefs were destroyed? And the traditions were used as a justification to make you a second class citizen.
Or no, maybe when your beautiful smell took me, your playmate, to the back alleys of my memories and chased my childhood friend Sara in order to find traces of love in the first glances and the last tears. Clashing with the unwritten “laws of nature”, we became [religious] strangers to each other.

I don’t know. I don’t know where it all started. But in my dreams, I whisper a thousand times the unfinished sentence that I was supposed to recite to you at our first dawn together- at a time when you were going to stare into my eyes with your ever innocent look and I would be mesmerized and tell you, “Congratulations on becoming a woman.”

They didn’t let us see each other even one last time. Now, from behind prison bars, I am not able to see the grandeur of the love of life in your eyes. While under their heavy and watchful eyes, you are still squeezing your little doll as a sign of your love and faithfulness to your childhood playmate, and you are not denying your love.

But now, as a sign of gratitude for the thousands of years of being a woman and as a sign of gratitude to thousands of memories and unfulfilled dreams, I join the “Campaign for Equality for Women” with a single signature: one signature to honor your womanhood and being a women.

Sara’s childhood playmate,

Farzad Kamangar

For those who represent a nation- For Farzad, Ali & Farhad

By MAJID TAVAKOLI


They announced that Ali was being sent to ward 209. The phones in the halls were disconnected. I tried to call from the phone in my hall, but that too was disconnected.


When we went upstairs, Farzad said that they had announced that he too will be moved to ward 209, but it turned out to be a lie, as they ended up moving him to ward 240.


The announcement on Saturday afternoon had worried all of us. They usually announce the executions for political prisoners on Saturdays. An intense sadness took over my body, but Farzad kept saying that nothing was going to happen. He said they were only going to ask him a few questions. He knew what was awaiting him, but as always, he had a positive attitude and tried to make the best of the situation.


It was hard to believe. Until moments before, we were in the library together. Ali had stopped playing volleyball. He had washed his face and was getting ready. It was very difficult and painful. It was around this time every day, after Ali had worked out, that he would come over so we could study physics together. He intended to take the last two exams left so he could receive his diploma in June.


He had such high spirits that no one could ever believe that he was on death row. If you had a hard time believing Ali’s predicament, then it was impossible to fathom Farzad’s. He too was preparing for the university exams. The story of his engagement and wedding were also so heartfelt. It broke my heart when I thought about the courage of the young girl who was so taken by Farzad’s attitude and spirit that she married a person on death row.


It wasn’t the first time that I was witnessing my friends in this state. It was the summer of 2008 and I had met with friends in Evin prison’s ward 209. The first person I saw after my days in solitary confinement was Farhad. He was sharing the drawings of his young child. His incredible determination was a great inspiration to all of us. After a while, I also met Ali and Farzad. Ali always exuded calmness and Farzad was a solid pillar amongst us. He represented an entire nation alone and he stood proud and tall. He was always happy. he laughed and was hopeful, despite the hardships, the humiliation, the physically-grueling interrogations, and the unjust sentences by the Revolutionary Court. I was once again witnessing him in that similar predicament.


It was during the Sanandaj arrests that Farzad was transferred to Evin prison for the second time. He was wearing a neck brace, his shoulder was dislocated, and his teeth were broken, but his determination was stronger than ever.


When they transferred Ali and Farzad from Rajai Shahr prison to Evin’s ward 240 for execution, their presence in section 7 was excuse enough for those of us who were in section 8 to try and visit them regularly.


As they sat in solitary confinement waiting for the arrival of 4:00am, I was weak and on hunger strike. I was fully aware of why they had been transferred and I was unable to do a thing. Farzad kept encouraging me. He would say that everything is going to be okay and Ali continued to be calm, despite all the hardships.


During all the days when I was free, the uplifting meetings with Farzad and listening to his warm voice were a source of strength for my mother. It made me realize that a human being can achieve anything, even in the worst circumstances. But they killed my older brother, a Kurdish brother whom I loved with all my heart. He was my brother and my teacher- a teacher who represented resistance. He was someone who represented all of Iran’s children. I learned from him the ABC’s of resistance against the worst form of torture, deceit, and false accusations against people. I learned the role that faith plays in a person’s life when they face such hardships. I came to the realization that continuous visits to interrogation rooms and the narrow halls of solitary confinement may defeat your body, but they will never make you surrender or take away your soul, your thoughts, and your opinions. He was my teacher. He was a teacher who taught me to always smile and said that regardless of our differences, we can treat everyone humanely with the respect they deserve.


Now he is gone. He was unwilling to say goodbye and kept repeating, “I will see you tomorrow.” He didn’t let me embrace him and kept repeating, “I will see you tomorrow.” I know that he took those courageous steps together with his friends as he approached his final destination. He promised repeatedly to never allow the hatred of tyranny to break his spirits and remove the stool from underneath his feet. He promised to remove the stool from underneath his feet by himself. He never allowed the long reaching arms of tyranny to take his life. I am certain that he kept his promise. I am certain that he also smiled in the face of death – a heroic smile that has left us, but will remain eternal.


He and his innocent friends are gone, but their memories will live on forever. He left knowing that he was a good person and became an eternal teacher- a teacher who now represents resistance in the history books. He is a pillar of hope. He is an ever-lasting encouragement and beacon of light for all those who seek freedom. He is no longer with us, but we can still remember his memory. We will remember the time when the Ministry of Information was forced to kneel in front of the spirit of an entire generation; a Ministry of Information that will finally be forced to confess to its crimes so that when there are arrests after Farzad’s, the summer of 2008 is never repeated in Evin’s ward 209.


They had removed the airway passages and taken away our mail box. They believed that they could silence our spirits, but Farzad kept smiling in protest, demonstrating that we will stand strong and tall forever.


They took the hostages in order to demonstrate that they are tired of our resolve. But our friends showed that the power of tyranny is nothing in comparison to the strength and resolve of the brave children of Kurdistan. Farzad always stated that his interrogator said, “You are laughing in our faces when you continue to study and plan to marry.”


Farzad, Ali, and Farhad’s fighting spirit was incredible. I sit today in the memory of a few friends who were more than just a few. Farzad was a nation to himself, Ali was a great friend to all, and Farhad was a mountain of strength. Farzad was such an inspiration that when we were feeling depressed and down, even though he was ordered to stay away from other political prisoners, knowing that he was present brought hope to all those in section 7. I would use any excuse to go to the library, even for a few hours, just to be next to Farzad.


Even though Farzad left us hopeful for the future, he was nevertheless disappointed about a few things. He regretted the fact that a group of people want to confiscate everything and arrest everyone. He was writing a letter entitled, “I am an Iranian. I am an Iranian from Kurdistan.” His goal was to express the fact that even though being a Kurd meant being subjected to oppression and deprivation, the plight of the Kurdish people with regards to their ethnicity was an important one. He tried very hard to bring attention to the challenges in Kurdistan and the issues associated with ethnicity and minority rights. He was worried and sad until the last moments, that because of differences in opinion, attention would not be paid to the ethnic and human rights of the Kurdish people.


He was an offspring of the people of Kurdistan and worried about their fate. When he left us, he would have wanted someone to assure him that his ideals and lessons will bear fruit one day. He wanted everyone to know that if the violence, deprivation, and oppression in Kurdistan does not end, many more innocent people will become hostages and be arrested under false accusations, just like he was.


Oh, how evil is tyranny when it is fearful that it will no longer be able to commit crimes- The crimes that lead Farzad to teach us to resist? They feared his smile and perseverance and that is why they disconnected the phones.


It was this fear that led them to cancel any gatherings and distribute sweets and dates. It was this fear that led them to insist that we not talk of him, even though nothing they said stopped us from keeping his memory alive and strong. It was this fear that led them to resort to martial law. It was this fear that led them to shout that they had executed terrorists, when everyone was fully aware that those executed were not terrorists. They are fully aware that there were no bombs involved. They know how they lied to incriminate Farzad. They also know why they sentenced him. Even though they killed him, they were unable to destroy his spirit. Because his death allowed us to realize that tyranny can never take away the children of our nation without paying a price.


Today I went to the library once again. Farzad and Ali were not there. Farzad was not there to tell me about past memories and our friends. He was not there to bring back hope, to sit with me and discuss ways to end this suffering and tyranny. He was no longer there so we could talk about the possibility of a bright future and sing a song of freedom.


Ali was not there to bring calm and serenity to the library as we sat leafing through the books. Even though they were not there, the memories of Farzad, Ali, and Farhad remained strong. I promised Farzad I would not cry as it would only glorify oppression and tyranny. But I want my brother Farzad to know, that like all the other children of this nation, I have made a vow to never forget him and continue his cause for freedom.

Majid Tavakoli

Evin PrisonMay 11, 2010
Translation: Negar Irani Persian2English.com

Have “Southern Strategy” and “values” wedge politics underpinned US Republican federal electoral successes? How and Why?

By: Suheyla M Ahmed

28 April 2008

The aim of this essay is to demonstrate the outcomes of Southern strategy and values for the US Republican Party resulting in the Republican federal electoral success. It will be argued that the Southern Strategy and Values wedge politics have underpinned the successes of the Republican in the election during many elections. The main focus will be on the 2000 election where Georg W Bush unexpectedly won the election and defeated Albert Gore the Democrat’s candidate. In order to understand how the southern strategy underpinned the republican federal electoral success it is necessary to go back to the history when Richard Nixon used this strategy to insure votes for republicans in the Southern States. The Southern strategy was a tactic which the Republican president Richard Nixon employed successfully to win over the Democrat candidate. Value is an issue which is influencing Americans political behavior is culture and value to an extent where it is argued that Americans politics is becoming more value-based. Gender, race and religion play important role in Americans political life, particularly during national elections.

Different sources have set different times for the first appearance of the Southern Strategy, for instance Chapin (2001), believes that the phrase Southern strategy was first introduced by political analyst Kevin Phillips more than three decades ago, accurately described the political situation of those years. Between 1948 and 1964 the South which once was a supporter of the Democratic Party was “up for grabs” (Chapin 2001).

For the Republican party, the aim of the southern strategy was to win the white working voters in the south through peeling away white voters in the heavily Democratic South (Benedetto 2005). It began in the mid-1960s, when Republicans blamed pro-civil rights Democrats for racial conflict and other racial problems and used this to encourage isolated white voters in the Southern states to vote for Republican (Benedetto 2005). To be more precise the Republican Party took advantage from racial polarization to gain more votes (Benedetto 2005).

The aim of developing the Southern strategy was to take advantage of the upheaval in the Southern Structure and its major goal was to transform the Republicans’ reputation as the party of Licoln, Yankees and carpetbaggers into the part that protects the white interests (Aistrup 1996, p.8). Assessing the Southern strategy it is agreed that it has been successful as presidents (Aistrup 1996, p.6)

As Democrats’ main focus was on Blacks’ issues, the Republicans used the opportunity to appeal to the angry White working men class; this resulted in driving a wedge between the less wealthy whites and minorities and shattered any possibilities for class politics (Stonecash 2000, p.732).

The South has been the battleground for the Republicans and Democrats. From 1880 to 1944, the 11 Confederate states only twice did not vote as a block for the Democratic Party (Chapin 2001). Thereafter a solid South has only appeared for four times, all for the Republican candidates which were Nixon as well as Reagan in their 49-state landslides, for Bush in 2000 and his father in 1988 (Chapin 2001). The 11 Southern states have not often been required to provide the electoral margin for presidential candidates (Chapin 2001). Precisely during the entire post-Civil War period, only four candidates had required Southern electoral votes to prevail over a loss and these candidates were Grover Cleveland , Woodrow Wilson , Jimmy Carter in 1976 and George W. Bush in 2000 (Chapin 2001).

Reconstruction was the first Southern strategy of the Republican Party (Chapin 2001). In this process blacks were combined with traditional poor whites in order to create a competitive political system (Chapin 2001). It resulted in successful election for President Ulysses Grant in 1872, the first election in which all the so called disloyal states voted again, and Rutherford Hayes in 1876 (Chapin 2001). After a compromise in 1877 which in it, it was agreed to withdraw Northern troops from the South “this strategy sputtered to a halt” (Chapin 2001).

There have been times where the candidates have had no need to employ Southern strategy, for instance in 1896 the Republicans won elections without having the votes from the South (Jim Chapin 2001). From 1872 to 1896 there was a slow decline in the Southern share of the national vote (Chapin 2001). William McKinley's great victory is seen to be a new era in which the Republican majority in the North was so great in number that there was no need for the Southern blacks (Chapin 2001). The South disenfranchised its blacks and many poor whites quickly (Chapin 2001).

In 1964, the Republicans changed their Southern strategy to a new model which was providing direct support for their Southern opposition to desegregation (Chapin 2001). This strategy cost them the outer South, but it gained them the Deep South. In addition, it detached the party from blacks, and that is proved to be permanent (Chapin 2001).

African Americans have long voted for Democrats, therefore “Republicans have been working aggressively to build the party's support among African-Americans”. Despite Republicans’ effort, during the 2000 election, President Bush only received 9% of the black vote (Benedetto 2005). According to Chapin (2001) there is no need for the Republicans to employ the Southern strategy, because their strategy has worked and now the Southern States have become the base of the Republican Party.

In the 2000 election, Bush was sure of Southern support, therefore his campaign concentration was on winning the North (Chapin 2001). In the election, Republicans’ Southern strategy in Florida was to reject as many votes from minorities and Black people as they can through different methods, such as using “outdated machines, improper counts and tabulations, inadequate access to individuals with disabilities and lack of translators for immigrants” (Hines 2002, p.72). Due to the fact that the governor of Florida was Jeb Bush who had taken many conservative actions against the Blacks, the plan was successful and Georg Bush won the election (Hines 2002, p.72). Studies show that there are evidence which suggest that there were a relationship between race and rejected votes in the 2000 presidency election. It is argued that compared to affluent counties with large white population, counties with large minority groups had a much higher rate of ballot rejection (Hines 2002, p.72).

According to Allen (2005) in 2005 the Republican National Committee chairman stated that Republican’s Southern strategy which was to exploit racial conflict for votes was wrong and referred to the two parties’ racial polarization as ‘not healthy for the country’ (Allen 2005).

It is argued that in recent years the American politics have become more value-based (Layman and Carmines 1997, p.751). Election studies from 1980 to 1992 show that cultural orientations have significant influence on American’s political behaviour, particularly when these cultural orientations are defined by religious traditionalism rather than material-postmaterial value priorities (Layman and Carmines 1997, p.751). Religion and religious-based cultural differences play a powerful role in contemporary American politics (Layman and Carmines 1997, p.753). Unlike many other democratic industrial societies, religion still plays an important role in the US and the country continues to be very religious (Layman and Carmines 1997, p.753). In its policies Democratic Party is increasingly associated with cultural liberalism while Republican Party is becoming more culturally conservative (Layman and Carmines 1997, p.752).

Surprisingly, in America politics cultural issues such as abortion, women’s rights, prayer in public schools, and homosexual rights are in the forefront (Layman and Carmines 1997, p.752). To set an example, Bush’s popularity was declining until before the 2004 election, when the issue of gay marriage came out in a perfect time for Georg Bush’s re-election as “it enabled the Republicans to obtain the necessary signatures to place anti-gay marriage referenda on the ballot in eleven states including the greatest prize of all Ohio” (Landy 2005, p.100). The referenda were passed in all the eleven states and this clarified that the majority of the Americans disregard of colour and race were against gay-marriage (Landy 2005, p.100). Bush’s position was clear as he was against gay- marriage therefore the voters’ decision to vote for Bush was guaranteed (Landy 2005, p.100).

It is argued that “the Republican Party is becoming the political home of religious traditionalists while the Democratic Party is becoming increasingly attractive to religious liberals and secularists” (Layman and Carmines 1997, p.753). Campbell (2006, p.104) stresses the role of religion and culture in Americans political life stating that American politics is further divided along religious or cultural lines. Kemmelmeier (2004, p.218) states that most candidates from Democratic Party are more liberal while candidates from Republican Party are more conservatism. Some studies show that compared to Democrat candidate supporters, Republican candidates supporters are higher in Authoritarianism (Kemmelmeier 2004, pp.218-219). In times of election, the evangelicals vote for racially conservative candidates rather than liberal candidates as they believe that seculars undermine their values therefore the white voters feel threatened by the existence of Africa Americans in their community (Campbell 2006, p.104).


The concern of Christian religious conservatives is not with the focus of new elites on nonmaterial concerns, but rather with their systematic secularism which refers to their “rejection of traditional religiosity and its associated cultural norms and the public and private policies” (Layman and Carmines 1997, p.753). This secularism had some consequences such as “the Supreme Court decisions to remove prayer from the public schools, banning state restrictions on abortion rights and the threatening of traditional sex roles and sexual morality by the motion picture industry” (Layman and Carmines 1997, p.753). These policies and their threat to traditional religious and moral values have resulted in political mobilization of conservative evangelical and fundamentalist Christians into American politics (Layman and Carmines 1997, p.753). It is argued that religiosity and value priorities are almost independent of each other (Layman and Carmines 1997, p.754).

It is stated that Republican identification is more associated traditional religiosity, while Democrats identification is more associated with Post-materialism. However, except the year 1984, religious traditionalism has had stronger effect than value priorities in American politics (Layman 1997, p.759). From 1980 to 1992 Party identification has been the most reliable predictor of the presidential vote, which has had the largest impact on the probability of voting Republican in each year. Except for 1984 election, race has been the only one of the noncukural variables to have a significant impact on the vote. It is now more obvious that cultural orientations have impact on American political behavior, but this is argued to be true only if these cultural orientations are defined by religiosity and not by Material—Postmaterial value priorities. In 1984, 1988, and 1992 elections religious traditionalists were more likely to vote for Republican presidential nominees, while value priorities did not have any impact on vote choice in any of these years (Layman and Carmines 1997, pp.762-764).

According to Layman and Carmines (1997, p.767) “when citizens are concerned about cultural matters, it is their religious orientation and not their level of Post-materialism that plays a principal role in shaping their political behavior”. Immediately, after the 2004 election commentators explained that Bush’s victory was due to the Republicans’ emphasis upon moral traditionalism and their debt to the religious rights (Ashbee 2005, p.210). One source has stated that ‘for Bush mandate, look no further than abortion and gay-marriage’, this shows the importance place of moral values amongst the American voters (Ashbee 2005, p.210). It is stated that Bush’s election campaign was based on morals values and in particular on national discussion over abortion rights and gay-marriage (Ashbee 2005, p.212). However other sources suggest that Bush’s victory is not due to Republicans’ emphasize on values but there are other reasons such as having a stronger national security (Ashbee 2005, p.215). Fear of another terrorist attack might have been a reason for mothers to vote for Bush in order to assure the safety of their children (Ashbee 2005, p.215).

Republican Party is not popular among women, therefore in America’s politics women are more attracted to democrats rather than Republicans and this has created a gender gap because men are more and more attracted to Republicans while women have stayed with the Democrats (Norrander 1999, p.566). This is true in both the North and the South as white men have left the Democratic Party to join the Republican more than women (Norrander 1999, p.574). The only difference between the North and the South is that both men and women have become more republicans and less Democratic (Norrander 1999, p.575). Additionally, the gender gap in the South mainly began when men dramatically moved away from the Democratic Party into the Republican Party (Norrander 1999, p.575).


In conclusion, in a number of elections the Southern strategy has underpinned the Republicans’ federal electoral success. The Republican Party has employed different Southern Strategy in different times all aiming at creating race conflict in order to win the poor white working men’s vote. The Republicans’ first Southern strategy was reconstruction. In regards to value as an element which is believed to be influential on elections, it is argued that American politics is becoming more value based. In addition, religion plays a great role in Americans political life to an extent where it affects their voting preferences as well. White evangelicals believe that seculars -the Democrats -are a threat to them therefore they rather vote for the Republicans. The Republican Party is said to be conservative while the Democratic Party is more Liberal. Evidence show that women tend to support Democrats while men support Republicans and it is the case in both the South and the North. The reason is because the Democratic Party shows a secular position on cultural values as well as economic and political issues.

References:

Aistrup, J.A 1996, The Southern strategy Revisited: Republican Top-down Advancement in the South, University Press of Kentucky, USA.


Allen, M 2005, RNC Chief to Say It Was “Wrong to Exploit Racial Conflict for Votes, viewed 10 April 2008,
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wpdyn/content/article/2005/07/13/AR2005071302342.html.


Ashbee, E 2005, The 2004 Presidential election, ‘Moral values’, and the Democrats’ Dilemma, Political Quarterly Publishing Co. Ltd, 76(2), UK.


Benedetto, R 2005, GOP: 'We were wrong' to play racial politics, USA TODAY, viewed 15 April 2008,
http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2005-07-14-GOP-racial-politics_x.htm.


Campbell, D.E 2006, Religious “ Threat” in Contemporary Presidential Elections, The Journal of politics, vol 68, No. 1.


Chapin, J 200, Why the GOP's Southern Strategy Ended, Part I, NewsMax.com Wires, viewed 10 April 2008,
http://archive.newsmax.com/archives/articles/2001/2/23/172905.shtml.

Hines, R.I 2002, The silent voices: 2000 Presidential election and the Minority Votes in Florida, Western Journal of Black Studies, vol 26, No.2, USA.


Kemmelmeier, M 2004, Authoritarianism and Candidate Support in the U.S. Presidential Elections of 1996 and 2000, The Journal of Social Psychology, 144(2).


Landy, M 2005, Election in wartime: the president under siege, Prospective on Political Science, vol 34, No.2, USA.


Layman, G.C & Carmines, E.G 1997, Cultural conflicts in American politics: Religious Ttraditionalism, Postmaterialism, and U.S. Political Behavior, The Journal of politics, 59 (3), USPIR Reader, the University of South Australia, Adelaide.


Norrander, B 1999, The valuation of gender Gap, Public Opinion Quaterly, 63(4), USA.

Stonecash, J.M, Brewer, M.D, Peterson, R.E, Mcguire, M.P & Way, L.B 2000, Class and Party: Secular Realignment and the Survival of Democrats outside the South, Political Research Quarterly, 53(4), USA

Australian federalism needs major reforms to be effective in the 21st century: Options for reform

This statement comes from the fact that as time has passed by the world has changed and for the Australian federal government in order to be effective it needs to make major reforms and changes. Arguably this statement is shaped by some facts such as globalization and regionalism as well as other major changes and developments nationally and internationally. As political systems face challenges such as policy challenges politicians think of change and reform as a way of tackling these new challenges. Australian federalism has come across some important policy challenges such as water policy, tax policy and other constitutional issues. In this paper it will be argued that federalism needs to go under some major reforms in order to be effective in the ever changing political and economic and social system of the world, particularly at a time where the old system of federalism does not serve the citizens well. It will also be argued that federalism can still be an effective way of governing Australia as federalism has been successful so far, but there are some challenges and problems which need to be addressed. At the end of the paper some recommended options for reform will be discussed and highlighted.

    

In order to discuss federalism and reforms in Australian federalism first the term federalism needs to be defined. Federalism is a form of government system which is used in some important countries such as the United States, the Federal Republic of Germany and the Russian Federations (Lovell et al 1998, p.61). In a federal system, power is divided over existing territories and at least two levels of governments govern the country (Lovell et al 1998, p.61). One is central and the other one is based on state (Lovell et al 1998, p.61). This definition is a general definition, but all federal systems have their own distinctive character. In this case Australian federalism is distinctive from other forms of federalism around the world, although it has borrowed the idea of creating a federal system from other federal countries, particularly USA.

 

Generally federalism is viewed as one of the most effective governmental systems in dealing with "the twin pressures produced by globalisation – the upward pressure to deal with some matters at the supra-national level and the downwards pressure to bring government closer to the people" (Withers and Twomey 2007, p.4).

 

Federalism was first chosen for Australia in 1901 as a way of governing a number of states under one national government. According to Singleton et al (2006, p.77), one major reason for choosing a federal system of government for Australia is "the desire for a political arrangement of convenience, where existing interests and tensions make power sharing imperative if the various groups involved are to come together at all". Historically, the founding fathers chose federalism for Australia to protect the distinct responsibilities which were previously held by the colonies of that time (Singleton et al 2006, p.77). Also they wanted to create a national government in order to take care of issues such as foreign affairs and defence (Singleton et al 2006, p.77). Additionally, at that time federalism was the best option for Australia as arguing on other options was very difficult (Singleton et al 2006, p.77). Federalism has been beneficial to Australia in many ways. Some of the benefits of federalism for Australia are "protection for the individual by checking the concentration of power", "choice and diversity" and many other benefits (Withers and Twomey 2007, p.8).

 

For many years, federalism in Australia has been criticised (Withers and Twomey 2007, p.4). Over time the Commonwealth has used its financial powers as well as increased legislative power to intervene in states and their responsibilities (Withers and Twomey 2007, p.4). Such action by the Commonwealth undercuts the benefits of federalism for Australia and also worsens problems such as duplication and excessive administrative burdens (Withers and Twomey 2007, p.5). While in Australia centralism seems to be the order of the day, in the rest of the world, all steps are taken towards decentralisation and federalism (Withers and Twomey 2007, p.4).

 

Despite many advantages for Australia, federalism has been criticized in terms of "overlap and duplication", "vertical fiscal imbalance", "insufficiencies when individual states have different rules" and "too many tiers of government" (Singleton et al 2006, p.100). It is argued that federalism in this country has not served its citizens well (Fixing Australian Federalism 2008, p.30). There are some internal and external factors which undermine federalism in Australia and pose the question of whether federalism is the best system to govern Australia. External factors are regionalism, a more mobile workforce, privatization of public sector, globalization, internationalization, the republican issue and the difficulty and slow process of making states to implement policies Policy challenges as internal and globalization and regionalism as external factors (Singleton et al 2006, pp.118-119).

 

The following quote by Tony Abbott is a starting point to argue for reforms in Australian federalism. Abbott (2008, p.1) states:

Federalism means that bribing the states is the only way to improve water management in the Murray-Darling basin, to achieve academically-rigorous, national standards in schools or to reform public hospitals. In important respects, the federation is broken and does need to be fixed.

The above quote reaffirms the main statement of the paper which states that Australian federalism needs to go under major reforms. According to Williams, each year the federal structure costs Australia around $9 billion in wasted taxes. The inadequacies and bottlenecks of this structure are a barrier to the future prosperity of Australia (Williams 2008, p.1). The result of a federal system where Commonwealth has control over most of the money and States are in charge of expensive and growing areas such as education and health has usually been "a chronic underfunding of essential public services, along with an unfortunate misdirection of some of those funds, and excessive administrative duplication and red tape" (Williams 2008, p.2). These issues and many more have raised voices to bring about reform.

 

In late 1989, two areas which were "fiscal and constitutional federalism" were proposed to be reformed (Galligan and Walsh 1991, p.4). According to Galligan and Walsh (1991, p.4), these areas needed reform in order for the Australian federalism to continue its vitality in the economic and political environment of the twentieth century. Additionally, Galligan and Walsh (1991, p.15) stress the need for "a fundamental rethink" in Australian federal fiscal arrangements.

 

There are several other recommendations for reform in Australian federalism. For instance Twomey (2008, p.2) recommends focusing on three matters. The first one is "the relocation of powers and responsibilities between the levels of government (Twomey 2008, p.2). Second is the improvement of mechanisms for intergovernmental co-operation and third is the reform of financial relations between Commonwealth and State (Twomey 2008, p.2). In explaining the first area of focus to reform, Twomey (2008, p.3) suggests that matters such as housing, police and education should be under the control of states' governments while national government should deal with matters such as defence, foreign affairs and social security which equally affects all Australians. Twomey (2008, p.5) introduces the third area of focus as the most important and necessary area to reform in Australian federalism. According to Twomey (2008, p.5) two problems exist in that area. The first one is that the Commonwealth collects more than eighty percent of all taxes in Australia, while states' governments are responsible for services such as hospitals, schools, police as well public transport. Therefore, in performing their constitutional functions states remain dependent on Commonwealth grants (Twomey 2008, p.5).

 

The areas for reform in Australian federalism could be summed up as six reform ideas (Fixing Australian Federalism 2008, p.30). First, the roles and responsibilities of states and commonwealth need to be defined. Second, Commonwealth and states must collaborate in national economic reform. Third, the ways in which GST revenue across the states is allocated need to be changed. Fourth, vertical fiscal imbalance needs to be addressed. Fifth, "specific purpose payments (SPPs)" which is given to states from the Commonwealth needs to be reformed. Sixth, state taxation needs to be reformed (Fixing Australian Federalism 2008, p.30). It is stated that the current government is only interested in two of the above ideas to reform which are reform of SPPs and State-Commonwealth collaboration in national economic reform (Fixing Australian Federalism 2008, p.30).

 

Many of the suggested reforms could be achieved through co-operation and the transfer of power in areas necessary (Withers and Twomey 2007, p.5). Withers and Twomey (2007, p.5) also suggest that a constitutional convention could be a useful way to reach consensus on these reforms and to propose any constitutional amendments which could improves and develops the operation of the Australian federation in future (Withers and Twomey 2007, p.5). Singleton et al (2006, p.101) points out that the national and states' governments cooperate in many ways in order to form and implement policies for joint interest, however Abbott (2008, p.1) argues that further and better cooperation is demanded and needed for Australian federalism to perform better.

 

Although Australian federalism needs major reforms, making changes in the constitution is difficult as it has been written in a form which does not allow changes and reforms easily (Jaensch 1994, p.296). Similarly Mathews (1975, p.9) describes the Australian constitution as "inflexible" and points out that the only way to amend it is through referendum. However, Twomey (2008, p.7) suggests that Australia needs to take necessary steps towards reform in its federalism in order to position the country for the future. The current government may take steps towards a cooperative federalism but it is argued that this could be one step further towards centralization with "smiles and handshakes" followed by more Commonwealth intervention in states' policies (Fixing Australian Federalism 2008, p.37).

 

The twenty first century is described as the century for federalism nationally and internationally (Galligan and Walsh 1991, p.4). Internationally, the popularity of federalism is increasing because federal systems cultivate unity through accommodating diversity, and bringing governments closer to their citizens (Withers and Twomey 2007, p.6). It is suggested that federalism strengthens the democratic process through "increasing access to and participation in the political system, and checks the potential abuse of power" (Withers and Twomey 2007, p.6). Globalisation is an external force which influences the ways in which governments around the world function. As Withers and Twomey (2007, p.6) point out that in order to obtain the economic advantages of globalisation the respond of governments around the world to the pressures of globalisation have been joining supra-national bodies as well as decentralising power and granting greater functions and responsibilities on sub-national states and states (Withers and Twomey 2007, p.6).

 

When Kevin Rudd was elected as the Prime Minister of Australia in 2007, he proposed reform in the Australian federalism, however it is still not clear what the Rudd government means by reform as reforming federalism has different meanings for different people (Fixing Australian Federalism 2008, p.30).

 

In conclusion, this paper discussed federalism in Australia and options for reform. It highlighted some of the important areas to reform suggested by many people specialized in the area. It also pinpointed the benefits of federalism for Australia and the reasons for choosing federalism for Australia by the founding fathers. While highlighting the criticisms of federalism the paper argued that federalism is still an effective system of government for Australia as it is made up of smaller states and each state has the capability of governing the citizens while working in cooperation with the national government. In the paper it is argued that federalism is now preferred as the best system of government around the world.

References:

 

Abbott, T 2008, AUSTRALIAN FEDERALISM: RESCUE & REFORM CONFERENCE, viewed 25 December 2008, <http://www.tonyabbott.com.au/Pages/Article.aspx?ID=3672>.

Fixing Australian Federalism 2008, Vol. 24 No. 1, Autumn 2008, POLICY, viewed 30 December 2008,

<http://www.psmprogram.sa.gov.au/wp-content/uploads/2008/07/carling-2008-fixing-australian-federalism.pdf>.

Galligan, B & Walsh, C 1991, Australian Federalism: Yes or No, Federalism Research Centre, Discussion Papers, No.9, December 1991, Canberra.

Jaensch, D 1994, Federalsim Australian Style, in Parliament, parties and people, 2^nd ed, Longman Cheshire, Melbourne.

Lovell, D. W, McAllister, I, Maley, W & Kukathas, C 1998, The Australia Political System, 2^nd ed, Longman, Melbourne.

Mathews, R 1975, Innovations and Developments in Australian Federalism, in Federalism in Australia: Current Trends, Publius, The journal of Federalism, Summer 1977, vol 7, No.3.

Singleton, G, Aitkin, D, Jinks, B &Warhurst, J 2006, Australian Political Institutions, 8^th edition, Pearson Education Australia, NSW.

Twomey, A 2008, Australian Federalism: Options for Reform, viewed 1 February 2009, <http://www.deir.qld.gov.au/pdf/ir/conference/aust-federalism-options-reform-twomey.pdf>.

 

Williams,
G 2008, Now for the hard bit, Australian Policy Online, <http://www.apo.org.au/webboard/comment_results.chtml?filename_num=248188>.

 

Withers, G & Twomey, A 2007, FEDE RALIST PAPE R 1: AUST RALI A'S Federal Future, A REPORT FOR THE COUNCIL FOR THE AUSTRALIAN FEDERATION, viewed 3 February 2009, <
http://caf.gov.au/Documents/AustraliasFederalFuture.pdf >.

Arsonist menacing Golden Grove


















MICHAEL MILNES, POLICE REPORTER

March 19, 2009 01:45pm



AFTER nine brush fence fires around Golden Grove in just two weeks, arsonists have been put on notice they face a maximum penalty of life imprisonment.

Nine fence fires in the past two weeks has residents of an area of Golden Grove living in fear.
Mother of two Suheyla Ahmed has told how she was scared for her children's lives when a brush fence adjoining their house on Bennett Court was set on fire about 10pm Wednesday night.
Mrs Ahmed said she saw their fence - and a neighbour's fence across the laneway - on fire when she was some closing blinds for the night.

"I screamed 'oh my God there is fire', rang 000 and got my children out of the house," Mrs Ahmed said today.

Her husband Khaled screamed for help and then grabbed a garden hose. Along with neighbours, he tried to put out the fire.

The fence fire spread to a garden shed attached to their carport.
"If the fire had taken hold on the front of the house we could not get out because we do not have a side gate," Mrs Ahmed said.

"I was just so scared for my children. It is just so stupid."
The MFS put out two more brush fence fires that were lit in the laneway, which runs behind houses in the area.

The people responsible for setting these brush fences on fire are on notice from police that they face life imprisonment for their dangerous and irresponsible actions.
Detective Chief Inspector John McCafferey said "the maximum penalty for arson is life imprisonment".

"In a very short space of time we have had nine fires in that area and each one of those fires has had the potential to become life-threatening," he said.

"We have already mounted an operation in that area and have interviewed a number of people in relation to the fires."


Source: Adelaide Now

Is there a connection between globalisation, economic rationalism and neo-liberalism?
Defend your answer with examples


In this paper it will be argued that there is a connection between globalisation, economic rationalism and neo-liberalism and this relationship is based on the common aims and ideas of the three terms. To begin with all three terms will be defined, and then it will be argued that the aim of globalisation, economic rationalism and neo-liberalism is to create a free market where governments do not intervene and all barriers from governments are removed. Proponents of all three terms believe that there is no other way of adjusting and directing the economy of the world other than applying these rules and theories to markets. Countries such as America, Australia and Canada are some of those countries which their economic system works according to the ideas of globalisation and Australia is the country of economic rationalism.

Globalisation
Bell (1997) states that globalisation is defined “in terms of the increasingly worldwide spread of capitalist economic relations and in terms of the increasing international interdependence of the world economic system” (Bell 1997). It is argued that as a result of globalisation states lose their sovereignty and the autonomy weakens under the pressures from the global market (Bell 1997). Consequently policy makers’ power on decision making decreases by global governance arrangements (Bell 1997). According to the principles of globalisation, the market needs to be deregulated and globalised (IMF Strategies for an Alternative Globalisation n.d). Also the capital flow should be allowed to move and extent freely and much as possible in order to gain the intended benefits (IMF Strategies for an Alternative Globalisation n.d). The policies of globalisation are simply the policies of neo-liberalism which are continuously implemented by IMF, and the World Bank and these policies have not been successful in achieving their goals which is bringing about a better economy for the world (IMF Strategies for an Alternative Globalisation n.d). It is indicated that globalisation heavily relies upon the free market, privatisation, deregulation, and lessening the role of the governments (Global Policy Forum 1998).

The relationship between globalisation and Neo-liberalism

Globalisation means the spread of free-market capitalism to virtually every country in the world’ (Steger 2005, p.17). Nowadays markets are the driving force and free market capitalism is the driving idea behind globalisation (Steger 2005, p.17). Arguably these free markets are affecting the role of government (Steger 2005, p.17). The ideological sources of Globalisation are mainly two ideologies of neo-liberalism and neo-conservatism, however it is cannot be limited to either of them (Steger 2005, p.16). Historically, Neo-liberalism first came into economic politics in1973 in Chile (Werlhof 2008). The aim of launching this ideology was to make the neoliberal model of the Chicago Boys a reality (Werlhof 2008). Followed by that, Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher introduced neo-liberalism in Anglo-America in the 1980s (Werlhof 2008). Then in 1989, the Washington Consensus was created which claiming that it would “lead to global freedom, prosperity and economic growth through ‘deregulation, liberalization and privatization’” (Werlhof 2008).

Arguably, neo-liberalism results in pushing out the Small, medium, even some bigger enterprises out of the market, then eliminated or mixed with international corporations (Werlhof 2008). However neo-liberalisation of markets which is the aim of neo-liberalism serves globalisation through providing a policy environment combined with the technological environment (You and Lee 1999, p.2). While Neo-liberal policies are promoting market forces and commercial activity they are opposing the role of the state as well as discouraging any government intervention into economic, financial and even social affairs (Makwana 2007). This ideology is driving the economic process of globalization, aiming at eliminating borders and barriers between states and thus enabling the market forces to drive the global economy (Makwana 2007). The primary demand of neo-liberal globalisation is free trade as it is believed to be a better and greater access to the emerging markets for businesses (Makwana 2007). These demands are opposing the original statements of free trade because the wealthy countries are still maintaining protectionist measures (Makwana 2007).

Globalisation from neoliberals view
Neoliberals view globalisation as a process which is driven by economic and should aim at protecting private ownership, promoting free trade and lessening political interference (Scholte 2005, p.1). Additionally, policymakers refer to globalisation as a process of creating a global liberalised market (Scholte 2005, p.1). It is strongly stated that Neo-liberal policies are generating enormous wealth for some people and living many in deep poverty (Makwana 2007) and this shows more similarity between globalisation and neo-liberalism as the same argument is stated in regards to the implications of globalisation on rich and poor. Statistics show that between 1980 and 2000 annual economic growth in developing countries from 3.2 percent dropped to 0.7 percent (Makwana 2007). During this period neo-liberalism was a prevalent ideology in global economic policy (Makwana 2007).

Economic Rationalism
Similar to neo-liberalism the doctrine of economic rationalism states that ‘economies, markets, and money can always, at least in principle, deliver better outcomes than states, bureaucracies, and the law’ (O'Hara 2001, p.249). In agreement, it is stated that economic rationalism is a doctrine which says that markets and money are the only reliable factors which can do everything much better than governments (Whitwell, n.d). “Economic rationalism is based on the classical liberal ideal of the super-ordinate value of an individual's liberty against the coercive powers of the state, and an individual's freedom to make private rational choices” (Murray, 1996).

The relationship between globalisation and economic rationalism

In order to pinpoint the relationship between globalisation and economic rationalism some sources have linked the beginning of globalization to the end of the cold war and the demonizing of communism by the leaders of the so-called free world, when there was a global struggle to define an alternative ideology or philosophy to economic rationalism (Gamage 2007). The alternative came out to be globalization and in that process many countries including developing ones started to open up their markets to the outside market and started creating free markets (Gamage 2007).

Conclusion

From the above arguments this could be concluded that all three terms globalisation, neo-liberalism and economic rationalism have common ideas and the core ideas are promoting free market or the so called free trade and decreasing the role of the governments. Supporters of neo-liberalism, globalisation and economic rationalism believe that their ideas are the only way to strengthen the economy and therefore reducing poverty. It is also believed that globalisation is another term for economic rationalism. The main similar point among all three concepts is the liberation of economy and all three claim that the idea of a free and deregulated market serves the economy of any individual country. America, Australia, and Canada are just some examples in which their economic system is based on privatisation and deregulation and promote free trade. They basically, enforce the core ideas of globalisation, economic rationalism and neo-liberalism.

References:

Bell, S 1997, Globalisation, neoliberalism and the transformation of the Australian state, Australian Journal of Political Science; Nov97, Vol. 32 Issue 3.

Gamage, S 2007, Globalisation, Economic Rationalism and Civil Society: What are the Negative Consequences?, viewed 2 may 2008,
.
Global Policy Forum, Statement on Globalization: UN Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights 1998, viewed 3 May 2008, <>.

IMF Strategies for an Alternative Globalisation n.d, viewed 3 May 2008, .


Makwana, R 2007, Neo-liberalism and Economic Globalization: An Introduction, viewed 1 May 2008, <>.

Murray G, 1996, Global 'Who-can-l-Kill-Today?' Capitalism: Top Business in the 90s, Social Alternatives, Vol 15, No.1.


O’Hara, P.A 2001, Encyclopedia of Political Economy, Routledge, London and New York.


Scholte J. A 2005, The Sources of Neoliberal Globalization, United Nations Research Institute for Social Development, program paper No.8, viewed 30 April 2008, .

STEGER, M.B 2005, Ideologies of globalization, Journal of Political Ideologies, Vol 10, NO.1.


You, J.I & Lee, J.H 1999, Economic and Social Consequences of Globalization:
The Case of South Korea, CEPA Working Paper Series I, Working Paper No.17.


Whitwell, G n.d, What is economic rationalism?, viewed 3 May 2008, .


Werlhof, C.V 2008, The Consequences of Globalization and Neoliberal Policies. What are the Alternatives?, viewed 30 April 2008, .

Analysing and evaluating Climate change policy in Australia: The strengths and weaknesses


The aim of this essay is to analyse and evaluate climate change policy in Australia. The essay argues that Australia’s climate change policy mainly considers the interests of businesses, therefore it holds back significant steps towards reducing gas emission. 2007 election was a starting point to bring some differences into the policy, for instance the new government signed the Kyoto Protocol. Compared to other policies, Climate Change policy is new and in its early years and it will take many more years to improve and enforce the policy. This essay would mainly analyse the former government’s climate change policy. The argument starts with defining the concept of policy.

What is policy?

According to Fopp (2008, p.6) a policy is a document which is “a response to a community or social need or problem”. In this case climate change policy is a response to a problem which is a big threat to Australian land, economy and community.

Australia has its own climate change policy. In Australia, the debate on climate change began in the late 1980’s “as a response to rising global awareness of the issue” (Howe 2007, p.1). From the start there were differences and disagreements between what is right for the environment and what is right for the economy and these disagreements ultimately dictated government policy directions (Howe 2007, p.1). Arguably, all governments, communities and industries are facing a complex policy challenge (Minchin 2001). Climate change is a global issue that has created significant uncertainties for decision-makers, “in terms of the timing and scale of the possible impacts of climate change and in the challenge of developing an effective policy response” (Minchin 2001).

Australia as a highly vulnerable country

Amongst all developed countries Australia is the most vulnerable country (Pittock 2005, p.256). Several factors increase severity of exposure to climate change such as vulnerability to warming, already stressed water resources and regional reductions in rainfall (Pittock 2005, pp.256-257). Australia’s geographical situation and land has made this continent more vulnerable to climate change (Australia’s climate change policy 2007, p.1). Among all continents Australia is the driest inhabited continent which has a highly variable climate (Australia’s climate change policy 2007, p.1). Australia’s vulnerability to drought and its natural resources such as the Great Barrier Reef and the proximity of its urban settlements to coastal regions means that the impacts are quite significant for this continent (Australia’s climate change policy 2007, p.1).

International and Australian government responses

Internationally one of the most recognized treaty towards solving the issue of climate change is the Kyoto Protocol which is “an international treaty designed to limit global greenhouse gas emissions by assigning individual emissions targets to developed countries” (Department of Climate Change 2008, p.3). In 2007 Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd signed the instrument of ratification of the Kyoto Protocol (Department of Climate Change 2008, p.3)

In Australia, in early 1990, the federal government clearly stated that “the government will not proceed with measures which have net adverse economic impacts nationally or on Australia’s trade competitiveness in the absence of similar action by major greenhouse gas producing countries” (Howe 2007, p.2). In Australia during the 1990’s Government policy were removing as many restrictions on business as possible (Howe 2007, p.3). The majority of large companies and industry associations in Australia were opposing any government plan to reduce greenhouse gas emissions which could damage their business activities (Howe 2007, p.3). To be more precise the government policy was mainly based on “‘no regrets’ measures or measures that were in the commercial interests of polluters” (Howe 2007, p.3).


In 1980 the Australian Business Roundtable was established (Howe 2007, p.4). It was formed of CEOs from 20 of Australia’s largest companies (Howe 2007, p.4). The aim of Australian Business Roundtable was ‘to influence decision makers and shape public policy to ensure the best possible environment for business to succeed’ (Howe 2007, p.4).


Aims and objectives of the policy
The objectives of Australia’s climate change policy are firstly to achieve global reductions in emissions that will avoid dangerous climate change; and secondly to maintain the strength of Australia’s economy (Australia’s climate change policy 2007, p.4). Achieving the second objective would be through “providing competitive, clean, low emission and affordable energy to Australian households and businesses; remaining a major supplier of energy and resources to international markets; and preparing for the impacts of unavoidable climate change” (Australia’s climate change policy 2007, p.4). The aim of Australia’s climate change policy framework is to reduce domestic emissions at least economic cost, to develop key low emissions technologies, to improve energy efficiency and supporting households and communities, to reduce emissions, to support world class climate science and adapting to the impacts of unavoidable climate change (Australia’s climate change policy 2007, pp.4-5); and to pursue effective international responses to climate change that involve all major emitters, and that reflect our domestic policies (Australia’s climate change policy 2007, p.5).

Australia’s climate change policy is built on three pillars (Wong 2008, p.1). The first one is reducing Australia's greenhouse gas emissions, the second one is adapting to climate change that could not be avoided and the third one is helping to shape a global solution (Wong 2008, p.1). All these needs huge amount of money and resources. The funding for the policy mainly comes from the Australian government (Howe 2007, p.12). Australia’s climate change policy is working towards achieving the target of approximately 108 per cent of 1990 level of emissions over the period 2008-12 (Australia’s climate change policy 2007, p.6).

Excluded factors
It is argued that Australia’s climate change policy is not gender literate (Salleh 2008, p.1). When governments and think tanks deliberate on strategies for combating climate change, they will very likely avoid one highly significant variable. This variable is that global warming's causes, effects, and solutions, are gendered. Those who frame Australia's climate change policy have not taken into account that “women's ecological footprint is negligible in comparison with men's or those women and children will be the main victims of global warming”. It is not known whether Australian climate change policy will rectify women's under-representation at every level of climate change negotiations or not. In times of climate change dialogue sociological factors are often not considered, although the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change does have potential in this respect (Salleh 2008, p.1). According to Salleh (2008, p.4) “global warming causes, effects, and solutions are gendered, and therefore, gender justice is a prerequisite of sound environmental governance”.

Dealing with climate change
In regards to that status of the issue of climate change Roze (2008) states that “climate change is an economic, social and environmental issue”. In dealing with climate change Wong (2008, p.1) argues that using market-based mechanisms is the best way to drive as emission reductions. Wong (2008, p.1) also suggests that setting targets to reduce emissions and imposing action on those industries and companies that are carbon intensive are not enough actions. It is also argued that “an integrated solution to climate change will require governmental and business investment additional to least-cost options and regulation to drive the deep emission cuts that are required to transition away from a carbon-based economy” (Roze 2008).

Critics of Australia’s climate change policy
Howe (2007, p.16) criticizes the Australian government’s climate change policies and states that they really are “business development plans” (Howe 2007, p.16). Further critics come from Hamilton (2001, p.73) where he points out that under John Howard’s government the industry and energy departments was dominating the formulation of climate change policy (Hamilton 2001, p.73). As Hamilton (2001, p.73) points out “the environmental dependent had been progressively co-opted by an industry viewpoint” (Hamilton 2001, p.73).

The effectiveness of Australia’s climate change policy
Mercer (2007) points out that a new report by Australia's Climate Institute shows that Australia’s climate change policy is failing as the level of gas emission has been more than what the governments had predicted. It is also argued that Australia will exceed the Kyoto Protocol’s level of gas emission (Mercer 2007). In contrast, it is claimed that Australia is on track to meet Kyoto target (Hammer 2008). However Australia’s climate institute does not praise this improvement and states that “even if we are on track to meet Kyoto, we shouldn't be congratulating ourselves for increasing emissions. We need to reduce emissions. We should be aiming for a 20% reduction in emissions by 2020, not a 20% increase” (Hammer 2008).

In conclusion, it is pointed out that Australia is more vulnerable to climate change compared to other developed countries. Also it is pointed out that climate change is an economic, social and environmental issue and needs further cooperation among government and businesses to enforce and develop the policy. The aim and objectives of the policy is also highlighted. It is also pointed out that the government is confident in its efforts to achieve Kyoto target by 2012. In the essay it is argued that Australia’s climate change policy is mainly in the interest of businesses.

References:

Australia’s Climate Change Policy 2007, Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, viewed 2 July 2008, .

Department of Climate Change 2008, Tracking to the Kyoto target: Australia’s Greenhouse Emissions Trends1990 to 2008–2012 and 2020 , viewed 1 July 2008, .

Fopp, R 2008, What is policy?, course contents: Week 2, Policy and Globalisation, University of South Australia, Adelaide.

Hamiltion, C 2001, Running from the Storm: The development of climate change, UNSW Press, Australia.

Hammer, C 2008, Australia on track to meet Kyoto target, The Age, viewed 2 July 2008, .

Howe, W.A 2007, An Assessment of Australia's Climate Change Policies, Australian Law Postgraduate Network Paper Series, Macquarie University, viewed 29 June 2008, .

Mercer, P 2007, Study Shows Australia's Climate Change Policy is Failing, viewed 30 June 2008, .


Minchin, N 2001, Responding to Climate Change: Providing A Policy Framework For a Competitive Australia, University of NSW, Law Journal, viewed 1 July 2007, <>.


Pittock, A.B 2005, Climate Change: Turning Up the Heat, CSIRO Publishing, Australia.

Roze, S 2008, Vested interests shaping government policy, viewed 30 June 2008, < article="7271">.

Salleh, A 2008, Is Australia's Climate Policy Gender Literate?, viewed 27 June 2008, .

Wong, P 2008, Climate change an opportunity for innovation and growth, viewed 1 July 2008, .

A Review

The aim of this paper is to present a review on chapters one and two of The Politics of Fear written by Peter Gale in 2005. The author focuses on the role of the Media in presenting the issue of nationalism and its connection with racism in Australia and ultimately its affects on the politics and the public of Australia. In the first chapter some events such as the issue of Woomera detention centre and the arrival of new asylum seekers which were represented by the media as threats to Australia have been highlighted. The author puts Pauline Hanson’s political activities under light and explains her role and influence on the Australian public. The author also underpins the 2001 election campaigns where the major focus was on the issue of “boarder protection” as the result of changes in public opinion. The main argument of the author is build around the creation and employment of the politics of fear by Pauline Hanson which changed the face of Australian politics and public, also divided the nation of Australia over issues of race. The author highlights the significant influence of Hanson’s political party over the policies of the two major political parties in Australia.

Later in chapter two the author introduces the concept of “new racism” and the way racism is expressed in another way described as racism through cultural superiority. In continue the Author brings in the issue of racism and nationalism into the argument and examines the links and connection between the two terms. In addition the author introduces the history of discourse on race and explains the gradual development of the term racism and its different types. The issue of “the racialisation of gender and sexuality” (p.12) in Australia in regards to indigenous women and Muslim women is also examined and called as “historically specific” (p.12). Another important issue which has been focused on is the relationship between racism, state, power and technology. Moreover the way in which these factors interact with one another is examined. Overall the aim of the author is to examine the influence of different media in regards to the development of different type of racism and the way in which the presentations of the media contributes to racism in Australia and Britain.

According to Gale (2005, p.10) the history of the notion of race can be traced back to the end of the seventeenth century. Racism is defined as “a racial hierarchy, with a discourse in which one’s own group or culture (or country) is believed to be superior to others” (Gale 2005, p.8). However Gale (2005, p.8) argues that this has changed now and racism no longer applies to colour but culture.


Reference:

Gale, P 2005, The Politics of Fear: Lighting the Wik, Pearson Longman, NSW, pp.1-23.

Discuss the relationship between Nationalism and Racism

The aim of this essay is to discuss the relationship between nationalism and racism. In order to present a stronger argument this paper will include colonialism as another term which has close relationship with nationalism and racism. Arguably without referring to colonialism this discussion will not be complete. This paper would argue that there is a complex relationship between colonialism, nationalism and racism. Examples in proving the argument are from three countries of Britain, Australia and Turkey. It will be discussed that in all three countries nationalist movements and nationalism in general has led to racism and discrimination of different groups and minorities. The essay will start with defining nationalism, colonialism, racism and assimilation.

Nationalism is described as an ideology that was created after the French Revolution (Cashmore 1994, p.224). Nationalism is also defined as a reaction against globalization and a product of globalization (Baylis and Smith 2001, p.523). Some factors which oppose nationalism are migration, economic integration, employment abroad and shared prosperity (Baylis and Smith 2001, p.523). Some factors which promote nationalism are hostility to immigration, fears of unemployment and dislike of alien cultures (Baylis and Smith 2001, p.523). From these points it could be concluded that Australian nationalism is partly the result of fear of immigrants and new cultures as well as other factors in regards to the rights of indigenous Australians. Although nationalism has positive sides such as providing a sense of belonging, it has negative side such as causing conflicts which in many cases has resulted in genocide and ethnic massacres (Baylis and Smith 2001, p.532). It can also take some forms of political thinking such as xenophobia and chauvinism (Baylis and Smith 2001, pp.532-533). Sometimes it is used by a majority group to expel, oppress, and exterminate those who are considered as outsiders and not belonging to the majority group (Baylis and Smith 2001, p.533). Nationalism is criticized for being used as a tool of domination within societies (Baylis and Smith 2001, p.532).

Additionally, nationalism is a collective form of racial expression (Fritsch and Phillipose 2001). Nationalism is also described as an extension of racism (Fritsch and Phillipose 2001). On the individual level racism emphasizes and justifies a superiority which is played out at the national level, through the notions of class. Ii is affirmed that ‘class formation was shaped by racialization’ (Fritsch and Phillipose 2001). Nationalism as a racism also expresses itself when the character of the other have a negative assessment (Fritsch and Phillipose 2001). Thus,” a nationalized institutionalism of racism” acts as a defender and supporter of ‘us’ against ‘them’ (Fritsch and Phillipose 2001). Arguably there are two types of nationalism, and in order to distinguish them they will be called “good” and “bad” (Edgar and Sedgwick 1999, p.256). “Good” nationalism is also called patriotism and “bad” nationalism is called Chauvinism.

Australian nationalism emerged at a time where the European dominance was strong and almost complete, when British authority was at its highest point, “when Social Darwinism was the most powerful current of intellectual life”, and when ‘race’ dominated the way people were thinking about all aspects of society (Gray and Winter 1997, p.35). Therefore, Australian nationalism was deeply associated with white Australia (Gray and Winter 1997, p.35). The national social development of Australia has been under the direct impact of White Australia Policy (Dunn 2004, p.6). In this process a populist national identity which excluded and marginalized particular groups, was constructed (Dunn 2004, p.6). During the first few decades of the twentieth century Australia was in the process of nation-building and aboriginal people were excluded as it was expected that they will disappear and die out under strict control until the completion of the process (Hollinsworth 2006, p.105).

Colonialism refers to the domination of a powerful group on another group with lesser power (Cashmore 1994, p.64). Colonial powers took control of the political, social and economic life of the colonized countries (Cashmore 1994, p.65). They treated the people of their colonies as slaves and viewed their physical appearance and culture as nothing and inferior compared to their physical appearance and culture (Cashmore 1994, p.65). Racist beliefs were used to justify their ways in which they treated the colonized people as “subhuman species” (Cashmore 1994, p.65). Although there have been instances of racism where racism has existed independently from colonialism “racism was highly complementary to colonialism” (Cashmore 1994, p.65). Some of the countries which have colonized other countries are Britain, France, Spain and Portugal (Cashmore 1994, p.65).

Defining racism is difficult as it is an “emotive” word (Pettman 1986, p.3). The meaning of racism changes according to time and place and nowadays in Australia it can be seen in different forms (Pettman 1986, p.3). In order to understand racism clearly Pettman (1986, p.3) uses four dimensional approaches to the term which are racial prejudice, racial discrimination, racist ideology and institutional racism. Pettman (1986, p.3) states that all these dimensions have complex relation with each other. In Australia, people of Middle Eastern appearance, Indigenous people, as well as people from Africa are the victims of all four dimensional approaches (Pettman 1986, p.6). During the nineteenth century strong xenophobic nationalist movements declared that “Australia is for the white man” and by white they meant Western European people preferably British people (Pettman 1986, p.6). In another definition racism is described as “the valuation of differences, real or imaginary” (Fritsch and Phillipose 2001).

Racism is expressed in different ways. Some years ago racism was a belief that a group of people with certain character are superior or inferior (Tucker 1987, p.16). This old racism arose in the age of European expansion and with discovering new people on other continents scientific techniques were employed to distinct and characterize them according to the shape of their skull, hair pile, skin colour and other physical appearances (Tucker 1987, p.16). From then on Europeans were seen as superior (Tucker 1987, p.16). However nowadays racism has a new form which is described as more “polite” compared to old racism (Tucker 1987, p.16). The old racism still exists but it is not acceptable any longer in politics (Tucker 1987, p.17).

It is difficult to separate the close relationship between racism, nationalism and colonialism as it is not clear where and when one starts and the other one ends (Fritsch and Phillipose 2001). Racism shares kinship with ideologies of nationalism and colonialism (Fritsch and Phillipose 2001). Additionally, racism is described as a force which motivates both nationalism and colonialism, and allows the processes of colonialism and nationalism to take place (Fritsch and Phillipose 2001). According to Fritsch and Phillipose (2001) “this pervasive utility of racism as an ideology that facilitates nationalism and colonialism is the reason that it can act within colonies to produce racists, and can make the colonized internalize their inequity”. Although nationalism and racism have some significant differences, in common the two terms have a hostile attitude towards others (Todorov 1993, p.248).

An example to examine the relationship between racism and “bad” nationalism is the way in which Kurds in a part of Kurdistan under the Turkish occupation are treated under the Turkish government. In that region there is no unified administration identity (Schaefar 2008, p.818). Even using the term Kurdistan to describe the region is rejected by the Turkish state (Schaefar 2008, p.818). The history of Kurds is full of struggle, destruction, and displacement and in that history war and persecution has fuelled constant movement and migration of these people (Schaefar 2008, p.818).

Britain is another example in discussing and examining the relationship between “bad” nationalism and racism. It is pointed out that racial symbols have been used in the construction of national identity in contemporary Britain (Solomos 1989, p.122). Further it is argued that through complex ways notions of race and national identity have been articulated to support political movements and pressure groups (Solomos 1989, p.123).

In Britain, black citizens are viewed as enemies within that pose a threat to the British society and the cultural and political values of the nation because they want to keep their differences (Solomos 1989, p.135). Some people have argued that opposition to the settlement of Black migrants in Britain does not mean that White British are racist (Solomos 1989, p.129). In Britain racism is naturalized (Solomos 1989, p.135). For instance hostilities towards black communities is regarded as “a natural response to the presence of people of a different cultural and racial background” (Solomos 1989, p.135). Also among the British society it is believed that for people it is natural to prefer their own kind over people of other groups and to reject the creation of a “multi-racial” society (Solomos 1989, p.135).

Fear of immigration in Britain was expressed by Margaret Thatcher when she stated that the country might be swamped by people coming from different cultures (Solomos 1989, p.129). The relationship between nationalism and racism could be highlighted in Thatcher’s swamping statement in 1978 when she expressed her fears of the impacts of immigration and “race” on Britain’s localities, schools and heritage (Solomos 1989, p.139). As a step towards keeping their ‘nationality’ ‘purely white’ and protect their nation and nationality from the presence of other people from different background a country such as Britain has forbidden marriage between Britons and non-Aryans (Tucker 1987, p.17).

Australia is third example. There are a number of ways and examples to examine the relationship between “bad” nationalism and racism in Australia particularly in regards to the treatment of Aboriginal people. An example would be the different methods which were used to eliminate Aboriginal people in the 18th and 19th century such as removing Aboriginal children from their families, controlling Aboriginal women’s sexuality and more (Hollinsworth 2006, p.106). Another important example is the way in which Aboriginal land rights were regarded as a threat to the white Australian community and an unfair decision for the farmers and mining companies (Gale 2005, p.39). Some described it as a threat which would divide the nation and therefore Australia would never be able to address external threats (Gale 2005, p.39). After the Mabo High Court decision, Haugh Morgan who then as the head of the Western Mining Corporation argued that Indigenous Australian were the weaker race with a weak culture (Gale 2005, p.39). In 1996 Pauline Hanson also opposed this decision and the Australian media arranged many opportunities for her to express her fears of government’s decisions in regard to land rights (Gale 2005, pp.40-41). Both Hanson and the media shared a sense of nationalism where white was regarded as mainstream, ordinary and employed and black was regarded as other through representation of race (Gale 2005, p.41).

In order to understand the relationship between “bad” nationalism and racism it is interesting to look at the ways in which Australian narratives is told. From those narratives which are told it could be pointed out that whiteness is the symbol of being Australian and Indigenous people are excluded from narratives as they are not regarded as Australian but a problem (Elder 2007, p.11). That means skin colour is the main measurement which categorizes one as Australian or non-Australian in Australian narratives (Elder 2007, pp.11, 12). Another example in regards to attempts to tell Australian narratives and the way in which nationalism and racism could be highlighted along each other is objections of critics after the opening of national museum in Canberra (Hollinsworth 2006, p.245). The museum and its employees where criticized for what critics described as legitimizing false narratives of Australian history (Hollinsworth 2006, p.245). The museum is being criticized for ignoring the achievements of ‘dead white males’, including an exhibit which tells about quarantine of immigrants when once in Australia others were kept out of the country through making laws and erecting barriers (Hollinsworth 2006, p.245). These critics want to keep these stories and the victims silence and disregard many people who struggled in the way of making Australia “a more socially just and culturally inclusive society” (Hollinsworth 2006, p.246).

Additionally, it is important to pay attention to the concept of ‘blood’ as “ideas of race and stock, of blood and breed were fundamental to social and political ideologies of nationalism, imperialism and progress” (Hollinsworth 2006, pp.105-106). Because of the lack of scientific knowledge it was believed that the personality, character, morality and worth of Individuals were seen as mainly determined by their blood (Hollinsworth 2006, p.106). In Australia children of ‘mixed-race’ were only accepted in the white settlers’ community if their behavior was similar to the European side, otherwise they were regarded as having the indigenous ‘blood’ and were not accepted (Hollinsworth 2006, p.106).

Further on the relationship between racism and “bad” nationalism it is pointed out that the Australian government planned to mix Aboriginal people with the rest of Australia particularly the white people through a process called Assimilation. Assimilation is defined as the process of becoming united or becoming similar (Cashmore 1994, p.37). Arguably, assimilation is a racist ideology and policy which believes in the superiority of Anglo-Australian ways and asserts that others should adapt these ways (McConnochie, Hollinsworth and Pettman 1988, p.182). Assimilation is not only used in Australia but in many other countries such as Turkey. In Turkey the process of assimilation under the Kemalist policy of Atta Turk threatened the very existence of Kurds as a different nation from Turks (Van Horne 1997, p.213). The aim of the assimilation was to ultimately deny a separated identity called Kurds (Van Horne 1997, p.213). The process included intermarriage between Kurds and Turks in order to absorb Kurds in the Turkish society (Van Horne 1997, p.213).

An event which fuelled the flames of debates on racism and nationalism was the formation of Pauline Hanson’s One Nation Party. The party was formed to oppose government’s assistance to Aborigines, migrants and multiculturalism (Hollinsworth 2006, p.230). In her speech in the parliament Hanson stated “to survive in peace and harmony, united and strong, we must have one people, one nation, one flag” (Australian News Commentary 1996). Later she claimed that she fights for the rights of the white community, Italians, Greeks and other communities apart from Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders (Hollinsworth 2006, p.230). She also regarded Asians as different as they have different religion and culture from ghettos and cannot integrate into the Australian community (Hollinsworth 2006, p.230). Although Pauline Hanson rejects any claims that she is racist, her statements and views are a new form of racism where people’s identity and worth are not measured according to their physical appearance (Hollinsworth 2006, pp.230-233). In this new form of racism the scales for measurement are culture and religion. In Australia there are two types of racism which are called symbolic racism and blatant racism (Hollinsworth 2006, p.233). Symbolic racism is related to national identity as an Australian (Hollinswrth 2006, p.233). Supporters’ decision to vote for Hanson’s Party and support her was strongly interrelated with symbolic racism and moderately with blatant racism (Hollinsworth 2006, p.233). In the view of the supporters of One Nation Party Australian identity was seen as exclusively ‘white’ and Anglo and the existence of Asians and Aborigines was a challenge to their power and supremacy (Hollinsworth 2006, p.233).

Similar to One Nation Party in Australia and Pauline Hanson’s statement about one people, one nation, one flag, Erdoğan the prime minister of Turkey recently said "What have we said? We have said, one nation, one flag, one motherland and one state” (ALTINTAŞ 2008). This statement affirms that the Turkish government is ignoring the rights of Kurds who by all means are a different nation on their own land now occupied by Turkey.

Overall this paper discussed the relationship between racism and nationalism and also included colonialism as a critical term in examining this relationship. In the paper nationalism is defined in different ways and it is divided into two different types which are “bad” nationalism and “good” nationalism. Also colonialism and racism have been defined. It is argued that there is a complex relationship between the three terms. Three countries of Britain, Turkey and Australia have been examined in discussing the relationship between racism and nationalism. In the paper different ways of using nationalism to oppress and discriminate minorities are discussed. From the argument it could be concluded that “bad” nationalism, colonialism and racism are all interrelated.

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