Khaled Azizi

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Wednesday, February 18, 2009


Is there a connection between globalisation, economic rationalism and neo-liberalism?
Defend your answer with examples



In this paper it will be argued that there is a connection between globalisation, economic rationalism and neo-liberalism and this relationship is based on the common aims and ideas of the three terms. To begin with all three terms will be defined, and then it will be argued that the aim of globalisation, economic rationalism and neo-liberalism is to create a free market where governments do not intervene and all barriers from governments are removed. Proponents of all three terms believe that there is no other way of adjusting and directing the economy of the world other than applying these rules and theories to markets. Countries such as America, Australia and Canada are some of those countries which their economic system works according to the ideas of globalisation and Australia is the country of economic rationalism.

Globalisation
Bell (1997) states that globalisation is defined “in terms of the increasingly worldwide spread of capitalist economic relations and in terms of the increasing international interdependence of the world economic system” (Bell 1997). It is argued that as a result of globalisation states lose their sovereignty and the autonomy weakens under the pressures from the global market (Bell 1997). Consequently policy makers’ power on decision making decreases by global governance arrangements (Bell 1997). According to the principles of globalisation, the market needs to be deregulated and globalised (IMF Strategies for an Alternative Globalisation n.d). Also the capital flow should be allowed to move and extent freely and much as possible in order to gain the intended benefits (IMF Strategies for an Alternative Globalisation n.d). The policies of globalisation are simply the policies of neo-liberalism which are continuously implemented by IMF, and the World Bank and these policies have not been successful in achieving their goals which is bringing about a better economy for the world (IMF Strategies for an Alternative Globalisation n.d). It is indicated that globalisation heavily relies upon the free market, privatisation, deregulation, and lessening the role of the governments (Global Policy Forum 1998).

The relationship between globalisation and Neo-liberalism

Globalisation means the spread of free-market capitalism to virtually every country in the world’ (Steger 2005, p.17). Nowadays markets are the driving force and free market capitalism is the driving idea behind globalisation (Steger 2005, p.17). Arguably these free markets are affecting the role of government (Steger 2005, p.17). The ideological sources of Globalisation are mainly two ideologies of neo-liberalism and neo-conservatism, however it is cannot be limited to either of them (Steger 2005, p.16). Historically, Neo-liberalism first came into economic politics in1973 in Chile (Werlhof 2008). The aim of launching this ideology was to make the neoliberal model of the Chicago Boys a reality (Werlhof 2008). Followed by that, Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher introduced neo-liberalism in Anglo-America in the 1980s (Werlhof 2008). Then in 1989, the Washington Consensus was created which claiming that it would “lead to global freedom, prosperity and economic growth through ‘deregulation, liberalization and privatization’” (Werlhof 2008).

Arguably, neo-liberalism results in pushing out the Small, medium, even some bigger enterprises out of the market, then eliminated or mixed with international corporations (Werlhof 2008). However neo-liberalisation of markets which is the aim of neo-liberalism serves globalisation through providing a policy environment combined with the technological environment (You and Lee 1999, p.2). While Neo-liberal policies are promoting market forces and commercial activity they are opposing the role of the state as well as discouraging any government intervention into economic, financial and even social affairs (Makwana 2007). This ideology is driving the economic process of globalization, aiming at eliminating borders and barriers between states and thus enabling the market forces to drive the global economy (Makwana 2007). The primary demand of neo-liberal globalisation is free trade as it is believed to be a better and greater access to the emerging markets for businesses (Makwana 2007). These demands are opposing the original statements of free trade because the wealthy countries are still maintaining protectionist measures (Makwana 2007).

Globalisation from neoliberals view
Neoliberals view globalisation as a process which is driven by economic and should aim at protecting private ownership, promoting free trade and lessening political interference (Scholte 2005, p.1). Additionally, policymakers refer to globalisation as a process of creating a global liberalised market (Scholte 2005, p.1). It is strongly stated that Neo-liberal policies are generating enormous wealth for some people and living many in deep poverty (Makwana 2007) and this shows more similarity between globalisation and neo-liberalism as the same argument is stated in regards to the implications of globalisation on rich and poor. Statistics show that between 1980 and 2000 annual economic growth in developing countries from 3.2 percent dropped to 0.7 percent (Makwana 2007). During this period neo-liberalism was a prevalent ideology in global economic policy (Makwana 2007).

Economic Rationalism
Similar to neo-liberalism the doctrine of economic rationalism states that ‘economies, markets, and money can always, at least in principle, deliver better outcomes than states, bureaucracies, and the law’ (O'Hara 2001, p.249). In agreement, it is stated that economic rationalism is a doctrine which says that markets and money are the only reliable factors which can do everything much better than governments (Whitwell, n.d). “Economic rationalism is based on the classical liberal ideal of the super-ordinate value of an individual's liberty against the coercive powers of the state, and an individual's freedom to make private rational choices” (Murray, 1996).

The relationship between globalisation and economic rationalism

In order to pinpoint the relationship between globalisation and economic rationalism some sources have linked the beginning of globalization to the end of the cold war and the demonizing of communism by the leaders of the so-called free world, when there was a global struggle to define an alternative ideology or philosophy to economic rationalism (Gamage 2007). The alternative came out to be globalization and in that process many countries including developing ones started to open up their markets to the outside market and started creating free markets (Gamage 2007).

Conclusion

From the above arguments this could be concluded that all three terms globalisation, neo-liberalism and economic rationalism have common ideas and the core ideas are promoting free market or the so called free trade and decreasing the role of the governments. Supporters of neo-liberalism, globalisation and economic rationalism believe that their ideas are the only way to strengthen the economy and therefore reducing poverty. It is also believed that globalisation is another term for economic rationalism. The main similar point among all three concepts is the liberation of economy and all three claim that the idea of a free and deregulated market serves the economy of any individual country. America, Australia, and Canada are just some examples in which their economic system is based on privatisation and deregulation and promote free trade. They basically, enforce the core ideas of globalisation, economic rationalism and neo-liberalism.

References:

Bell, S 1997, Globalisation, neoliberalism and the transformation of the Australian state, Australian Journal of Political Science; Nov97, Vol. 32 Issue 3.

Gamage, S 2007, Globalisation, Economic Rationalism and Civil Society: What are the Negative Consequences?, viewed 2 may 2008,
.
Global Policy Forum, Statement on Globalization: UN Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights 1998, viewed 3 May 2008, <>.

IMF Strategies for an Alternative Globalisation n.d, viewed 3 May 2008, .


Makwana, R 2007, Neo-liberalism and Economic Globalization: An Introduction, viewed 1 May 2008, <>.

Murray G, 1996, Global 'Who-can-l-Kill-Today?' Capitalism: Top Business in the 90s, Social Alternatives, Vol 15, No.1.


O’Hara, P.A 2001, Encyclopedia of Political Economy, Routledge, London and New York.


Scholte J. A 2005, The Sources of Neoliberal Globalization, United Nations Research Institute for Social Development, program paper No.8, viewed 30 April 2008, .

STEGER, M.B 2005, Ideologies of globalization, Journal of Political Ideologies, Vol 10, NO.1.


You, J.I & Lee, J.H 1999, Economic and Social Consequences of Globalization:
The Case of South Korea, CEPA Working Paper Series I, Working Paper No.17.


Whitwell, G n.d, What is economic rationalism?, viewed 3 May 2008, .


Werlhof, C.V 2008, The Consequences of Globalization and Neoliberal Policies. What are the Alternatives?, viewed 30 April 2008, .

Analysing and evaluating Climate change policy in Australia: The strengths and weaknesses


The aim of this essay is to analyse and evaluate climate change policy in Australia. The essay argues that Australia’s climate change policy mainly considers the interests of businesses, therefore it holds back significant steps towards reducing gas emission. 2007 election was a starting point to bring some differences into the policy, for instance the new government signed the Kyoto Protocol. Compared to other policies, Climate Change policy is new and in its early years and it will take many more years to improve and enforce the policy. This essay would mainly analyse the former government’s climate change policy. The argument starts with defining the concept of policy.

What is policy?

According to Fopp (2008, p.6) a policy is a document which is “a response to a community or social need or problem”. In this case climate change policy is a response to a problem which is a big threat to Australian land, economy and community.

Australia has its own climate change policy. In Australia, the debate on climate change began in the late 1980’s “as a response to rising global awareness of the issue” (Howe 2007, p.1). From the start there were differences and disagreements between what is right for the environment and what is right for the economy and these disagreements ultimately dictated government policy directions (Howe 2007, p.1). Arguably, all governments, communities and industries are facing a complex policy challenge (Minchin 2001). Climate change is a global issue that has created significant uncertainties for decision-makers, “in terms of the timing and scale of the possible impacts of climate change and in the challenge of developing an effective policy response” (Minchin 2001).

Australia as a highly vulnerable country

Amongst all developed countries Australia is the most vulnerable country (Pittock 2005, p.256). Several factors increase severity of exposure to climate change such as vulnerability to warming, already stressed water resources and regional reductions in rainfall (Pittock 2005, pp.256-257). Australia’s geographical situation and land has made this continent more vulnerable to climate change (Australia’s climate change policy 2007, p.1). Among all continents Australia is the driest inhabited continent which has a highly variable climate (Australia’s climate change policy 2007, p.1). Australia’s vulnerability to drought and its natural resources such as the Great Barrier Reef and the proximity of its urban settlements to coastal regions means that the impacts are quite significant for this continent (Australia’s climate change policy 2007, p.1).

International and Australian government responses

Internationally one of the most recognized treaty towards solving the issue of climate change is the Kyoto Protocol which is “an international treaty designed to limit global greenhouse gas emissions by assigning individual emissions targets to developed countries” (Department of Climate Change 2008, p.3). In 2007 Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd signed the instrument of ratification of the Kyoto Protocol (Department of Climate Change 2008, p.3)

In Australia, in early 1990, the federal government clearly stated that “the government will not proceed with measures which have net adverse economic impacts nationally or on Australia’s trade competitiveness in the absence of similar action by major greenhouse gas producing countries” (Howe 2007, p.2). In Australia during the 1990’s Government policy were removing as many restrictions on business as possible (Howe 2007, p.3). The majority of large companies and industry associations in Australia were opposing any government plan to reduce greenhouse gas emissions which could damage their business activities (Howe 2007, p.3). To be more precise the government policy was mainly based on “‘no regrets’ measures or measures that were in the commercial interests of polluters” (Howe 2007, p.3).


In 1980 the Australian Business Roundtable was established (Howe 2007, p.4). It was formed of CEOs from 20 of Australia’s largest companies (Howe 2007, p.4). The aim of Australian Business Roundtable was ‘to influence decision makers and shape public policy to ensure the best possible environment for business to succeed’ (Howe 2007, p.4).


Aims and objectives of the policy
The objectives of Australia’s climate change policy are firstly to achieve global reductions in emissions that will avoid dangerous climate change; and secondly to maintain the strength of Australia’s economy (Australia’s climate change policy 2007, p.4). Achieving the second objective would be through “providing competitive, clean, low emission and affordable energy to Australian households and businesses; remaining a major supplier of energy and resources to international markets; and preparing for the impacts of unavoidable climate change” (Australia’s climate change policy 2007, p.4). The aim of Australia’s climate change policy framework is to reduce domestic emissions at least economic cost, to develop key low emissions technologies, to improve energy efficiency and supporting households and communities, to reduce emissions, to support world class climate science and adapting to the impacts of unavoidable climate change (Australia’s climate change policy 2007, pp.4-5); and to pursue effective international responses to climate change that involve all major emitters, and that reflect our domestic policies (Australia’s climate change policy 2007, p.5).

Australia’s climate change policy is built on three pillars (Wong 2008, p.1). The first one is reducing Australia's greenhouse gas emissions, the second one is adapting to climate change that could not be avoided and the third one is helping to shape a global solution (Wong 2008, p.1). All these needs huge amount of money and resources. The funding for the policy mainly comes from the Australian government (Howe 2007, p.12). Australia’s climate change policy is working towards achieving the target of approximately 108 per cent of 1990 level of emissions over the period 2008-12 (Australia’s climate change policy 2007, p.6).

Excluded factors
It is argued that Australia’s climate change policy is not gender literate (Salleh 2008, p.1). When governments and think tanks deliberate on strategies for combating climate change, they will very likely avoid one highly significant variable. This variable is that global warming's causes, effects, and solutions, are gendered. Those who frame Australia's climate change policy have not taken into account that “women's ecological footprint is negligible in comparison with men's or those women and children will be the main victims of global warming”. It is not known whether Australian climate change policy will rectify women's under-representation at every level of climate change negotiations or not. In times of climate change dialogue sociological factors are often not considered, although the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change does have potential in this respect (Salleh 2008, p.1). According to Salleh (2008, p.4) “global warming causes, effects, and solutions are gendered, and therefore, gender justice is a prerequisite of sound environmental governance”.

Dealing with climate change
In regards to that status of the issue of climate change Roze (2008) states that “climate change is an economic, social and environmental issue”. In dealing with climate change Wong (2008, p.1) argues that using market-based mechanisms is the best way to drive as emission reductions. Wong (2008, p.1) also suggests that setting targets to reduce emissions and imposing action on those industries and companies that are carbon intensive are not enough actions. It is also argued that “an integrated solution to climate change will require governmental and business investment additional to least-cost options and regulation to drive the deep emission cuts that are required to transition away from a carbon-based economy” (Roze 2008).

Critics of Australia’s climate change policy
Howe (2007, p.16) criticizes the Australian government’s climate change policies and states that they really are “business development plans” (Howe 2007, p.16). Further critics come from Hamilton (2001, p.73) where he points out that under John Howard’s government the industry and energy departments was dominating the formulation of climate change policy (Hamilton 2001, p.73). As Hamilton (2001, p.73) points out “the environmental dependent had been progressively co-opted by an industry viewpoint” (Hamilton 2001, p.73).

The effectiveness of Australia’s climate change policy
Mercer (2007) points out that a new report by Australia's Climate Institute shows that Australia’s climate change policy is failing as the level of gas emission has been more than what the governments had predicted. It is also argued that Australia will exceed the Kyoto Protocol’s level of gas emission (Mercer 2007). In contrast, it is claimed that Australia is on track to meet Kyoto target (Hammer 2008). However Australia’s climate institute does not praise this improvement and states that “even if we are on track to meet Kyoto, we shouldn't be congratulating ourselves for increasing emissions. We need to reduce emissions. We should be aiming for a 20% reduction in emissions by 2020, not a 20% increase” (Hammer 2008).

In conclusion, it is pointed out that Australia is more vulnerable to climate change compared to other developed countries. Also it is pointed out that climate change is an economic, social and environmental issue and needs further cooperation among government and businesses to enforce and develop the policy. The aim and objectives of the policy is also highlighted. It is also pointed out that the government is confident in its efforts to achieve Kyoto target by 2012. In the essay it is argued that Australia’s climate change policy is mainly in the interest of businesses.

References:

Australia’s Climate Change Policy 2007, Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, viewed 2 July 2008, .

Department of Climate Change 2008, Tracking to the Kyoto target: Australia’s Greenhouse Emissions Trends1990 to 2008–2012 and 2020 , viewed 1 July 2008, .

Fopp, R 2008, What is policy?, course contents: Week 2, Policy and Globalisation, University of South Australia, Adelaide.

Hamiltion, C 2001, Running from the Storm: The development of climate change, UNSW Press, Australia.

Hammer, C 2008, Australia on track to meet Kyoto target, The Age, viewed 2 July 2008, .

Howe, W.A 2007, An Assessment of Australia's Climate Change Policies, Australian Law Postgraduate Network Paper Series, Macquarie University, viewed 29 June 2008, .

Mercer, P 2007, Study Shows Australia's Climate Change Policy is Failing, viewed 30 June 2008, .


Minchin, N 2001, Responding to Climate Change: Providing A Policy Framework For a Competitive Australia, University of NSW, Law Journal, viewed 1 July 2007, <>.


Pittock, A.B 2005, Climate Change: Turning Up the Heat, CSIRO Publishing, Australia.

Roze, S 2008, Vested interests shaping government policy, viewed 30 June 2008, < article="7271">.

Salleh, A 2008, Is Australia's Climate Policy Gender Literate?, viewed 27 June 2008, .

Wong, P 2008, Climate change an opportunity for innovation and growth, viewed 1 July 2008, .

A Review

The aim of this paper is to present a review on chapters one and two of The Politics of Fear written by Peter Gale in 2005. The author focuses on the role of the Media in presenting the issue of nationalism and its connection with racism in Australia and ultimately its affects on the politics and the public of Australia. In the first chapter some events such as the issue of Woomera detention centre and the arrival of new asylum seekers which were represented by the media as threats to Australia have been highlighted. The author puts Pauline Hanson’s political activities under light and explains her role and influence on the Australian public. The author also underpins the 2001 election campaigns where the major focus was on the issue of “boarder protection” as the result of changes in public opinion. The main argument of the author is build around the creation and employment of the politics of fear by Pauline Hanson which changed the face of Australian politics and public, also divided the nation of Australia over issues of race. The author highlights the significant influence of Hanson’s political party over the policies of the two major political parties in Australia.

Later in chapter two the author introduces the concept of “new racism” and the way racism is expressed in another way described as racism through cultural superiority. In continue the Author brings in the issue of racism and nationalism into the argument and examines the links and connection between the two terms. In addition the author introduces the history of discourse on race and explains the gradual development of the term racism and its different types. The issue of “the racialisation of gender and sexuality” (p.12) in Australia in regards to indigenous women and Muslim women is also examined and called as “historically specific” (p.12). Another important issue which has been focused on is the relationship between racism, state, power and technology. Moreover the way in which these factors interact with one another is examined. Overall the aim of the author is to examine the influence of different media in regards to the development of different type of racism and the way in which the presentations of the media contributes to racism in Australia and Britain.

According to Gale (2005, p.10) the history of the notion of race can be traced back to the end of the seventeenth century. Racism is defined as “a racial hierarchy, with a discourse in which one’s own group or culture (or country) is believed to be superior to others” (Gale 2005, p.8). However Gale (2005, p.8) argues that this has changed now and racism no longer applies to colour but culture.


Reference:

Gale, P 2005, The Politics of Fear: Lighting the Wik, Pearson Longman, NSW, pp.1-23.

Discuss the relationship between Nationalism and Racism

The aim of this essay is to discuss the relationship between nationalism and racism. In order to present a stronger argument this paper will include colonialism as another term which has close relationship with nationalism and racism. Arguably without referring to colonialism this discussion will not be complete. This paper would argue that there is a complex relationship between colonialism, nationalism and racism. Examples in proving the argument are from three countries of Britain, Australia and Turkey. It will be discussed that in all three countries nationalist movements and nationalism in general has led to racism and discrimination of different groups and minorities. The essay will start with defining nationalism, colonialism, racism and assimilation.

Nationalism is described as an ideology that was created after the French Revolution (Cashmore 1994, p.224). Nationalism is also defined as a reaction against globalization and a product of globalization (Baylis and Smith 2001, p.523). Some factors which oppose nationalism are migration, economic integration, employment abroad and shared prosperity (Baylis and Smith 2001, p.523). Some factors which promote nationalism are hostility to immigration, fears of unemployment and dislike of alien cultures (Baylis and Smith 2001, p.523). From these points it could be concluded that Australian nationalism is partly the result of fear of immigrants and new cultures as well as other factors in regards to the rights of indigenous Australians. Although nationalism has positive sides such as providing a sense of belonging, it has negative side such as causing conflicts which in many cases has resulted in genocide and ethnic massacres (Baylis and Smith 2001, p.532). It can also take some forms of political thinking such as xenophobia and chauvinism (Baylis and Smith 2001, pp.532-533). Sometimes it is used by a majority group to expel, oppress, and exterminate those who are considered as outsiders and not belonging to the majority group (Baylis and Smith 2001, p.533). Nationalism is criticized for being used as a tool of domination within societies (Baylis and Smith 2001, p.532).

Additionally, nationalism is a collective form of racial expression (Fritsch and Phillipose 2001). Nationalism is also described as an extension of racism (Fritsch and Phillipose 2001). On the individual level racism emphasizes and justifies a superiority which is played out at the national level, through the notions of class. Ii is affirmed that ‘class formation was shaped by racialization’ (Fritsch and Phillipose 2001). Nationalism as a racism also expresses itself when the character of the other have a negative assessment (Fritsch and Phillipose 2001). Thus,” a nationalized institutionalism of racism” acts as a defender and supporter of ‘us’ against ‘them’ (Fritsch and Phillipose 2001). Arguably there are two types of nationalism, and in order to distinguish them they will be called “good” and “bad” (Edgar and Sedgwick 1999, p.256). “Good” nationalism is also called patriotism and “bad” nationalism is called Chauvinism.

Australian nationalism emerged at a time where the European dominance was strong and almost complete, when British authority was at its highest point, “when Social Darwinism was the most powerful current of intellectual life”, and when ‘race’ dominated the way people were thinking about all aspects of society (Gray and Winter 1997, p.35). Therefore, Australian nationalism was deeply associated with white Australia (Gray and Winter 1997, p.35). The national social development of Australia has been under the direct impact of White Australia Policy (Dunn 2004, p.6). In this process a populist national identity which excluded and marginalized particular groups, was constructed (Dunn 2004, p.6). During the first few decades of the twentieth century Australia was in the process of nation-building and aboriginal people were excluded as it was expected that they will disappear and die out under strict control until the completion of the process (Hollinsworth 2006, p.105).

Colonialism refers to the domination of a powerful group on another group with lesser power (Cashmore 1994, p.64). Colonial powers took control of the political, social and economic life of the colonized countries (Cashmore 1994, p.65). They treated the people of their colonies as slaves and viewed their physical appearance and culture as nothing and inferior compared to their physical appearance and culture (Cashmore 1994, p.65). Racist beliefs were used to justify their ways in which they treated the colonized people as “subhuman species” (Cashmore 1994, p.65). Although there have been instances of racism where racism has existed independently from colonialism “racism was highly complementary to colonialism” (Cashmore 1994, p.65). Some of the countries which have colonized other countries are Britain, France, Spain and Portugal (Cashmore 1994, p.65).

Defining racism is difficult as it is an “emotive” word (Pettman 1986, p.3). The meaning of racism changes according to time and place and nowadays in Australia it can be seen in different forms (Pettman 1986, p.3). In order to understand racism clearly Pettman (1986, p.3) uses four dimensional approaches to the term which are racial prejudice, racial discrimination, racist ideology and institutional racism. Pettman (1986, p.3) states that all these dimensions have complex relation with each other. In Australia, people of Middle Eastern appearance, Indigenous people, as well as people from Africa are the victims of all four dimensional approaches (Pettman 1986, p.6). During the nineteenth century strong xenophobic nationalist movements declared that “Australia is for the white man” and by white they meant Western European people preferably British people (Pettman 1986, p.6). In another definition racism is described as “the valuation of differences, real or imaginary” (Fritsch and Phillipose 2001).

Racism is expressed in different ways. Some years ago racism was a belief that a group of people with certain character are superior or inferior (Tucker 1987, p.16). This old racism arose in the age of European expansion and with discovering new people on other continents scientific techniques were employed to distinct and characterize them according to the shape of their skull, hair pile, skin colour and other physical appearances (Tucker 1987, p.16). From then on Europeans were seen as superior (Tucker 1987, p.16). However nowadays racism has a new form which is described as more “polite” compared to old racism (Tucker 1987, p.16). The old racism still exists but it is not acceptable any longer in politics (Tucker 1987, p.17).

It is difficult to separate the close relationship between racism, nationalism and colonialism as it is not clear where and when one starts and the other one ends (Fritsch and Phillipose 2001). Racism shares kinship with ideologies of nationalism and colonialism (Fritsch and Phillipose 2001). Additionally, racism is described as a force which motivates both nationalism and colonialism, and allows the processes of colonialism and nationalism to take place (Fritsch and Phillipose 2001). According to Fritsch and Phillipose (2001) “this pervasive utility of racism as an ideology that facilitates nationalism and colonialism is the reason that it can act within colonies to produce racists, and can make the colonized internalize their inequity”. Although nationalism and racism have some significant differences, in common the two terms have a hostile attitude towards others (Todorov 1993, p.248).

An example to examine the relationship between racism and “bad” nationalism is the way in which Kurds in a part of Kurdistan under the Turkish occupation are treated under the Turkish government. In that region there is no unified administration identity (Schaefar 2008, p.818). Even using the term Kurdistan to describe the region is rejected by the Turkish state (Schaefar 2008, p.818). The history of Kurds is full of struggle, destruction, and displacement and in that history war and persecution has fuelled constant movement and migration of these people (Schaefar 2008, p.818).

Britain is another example in discussing and examining the relationship between “bad” nationalism and racism. It is pointed out that racial symbols have been used in the construction of national identity in contemporary Britain (Solomos 1989, p.122). Further it is argued that through complex ways notions of race and national identity have been articulated to support political movements and pressure groups (Solomos 1989, p.123).

In Britain, black citizens are viewed as enemies within that pose a threat to the British society and the cultural and political values of the nation because they want to keep their differences (Solomos 1989, p.135). Some people have argued that opposition to the settlement of Black migrants in Britain does not mean that White British are racist (Solomos 1989, p.129). In Britain racism is naturalized (Solomos 1989, p.135). For instance hostilities towards black communities is regarded as “a natural response to the presence of people of a different cultural and racial background” (Solomos 1989, p.135). Also among the British society it is believed that for people it is natural to prefer their own kind over people of other groups and to reject the creation of a “multi-racial” society (Solomos 1989, p.135).

Fear of immigration in Britain was expressed by Margaret Thatcher when she stated that the country might be swamped by people coming from different cultures (Solomos 1989, p.129). The relationship between nationalism and racism could be highlighted in Thatcher’s swamping statement in 1978 when she expressed her fears of the impacts of immigration and “race” on Britain’s localities, schools and heritage (Solomos 1989, p.139). As a step towards keeping their ‘nationality’ ‘purely white’ and protect their nation and nationality from the presence of other people from different background a country such as Britain has forbidden marriage between Britons and non-Aryans (Tucker 1987, p.17).

Australia is third example. There are a number of ways and examples to examine the relationship between “bad” nationalism and racism in Australia particularly in regards to the treatment of Aboriginal people. An example would be the different methods which were used to eliminate Aboriginal people in the 18th and 19th century such as removing Aboriginal children from their families, controlling Aboriginal women’s sexuality and more (Hollinsworth 2006, p.106). Another important example is the way in which Aboriginal land rights were regarded as a threat to the white Australian community and an unfair decision for the farmers and mining companies (Gale 2005, p.39). Some described it as a threat which would divide the nation and therefore Australia would never be able to address external threats (Gale 2005, p.39). After the Mabo High Court decision, Haugh Morgan who then as the head of the Western Mining Corporation argued that Indigenous Australian were the weaker race with a weak culture (Gale 2005, p.39). In 1996 Pauline Hanson also opposed this decision and the Australian media arranged many opportunities for her to express her fears of government’s decisions in regard to land rights (Gale 2005, pp.40-41). Both Hanson and the media shared a sense of nationalism where white was regarded as mainstream, ordinary and employed and black was regarded as other through representation of race (Gale 2005, p.41).

In order to understand the relationship between “bad” nationalism and racism it is interesting to look at the ways in which Australian narratives is told. From those narratives which are told it could be pointed out that whiteness is the symbol of being Australian and Indigenous people are excluded from narratives as they are not regarded as Australian but a problem (Elder 2007, p.11). That means skin colour is the main measurement which categorizes one as Australian or non-Australian in Australian narratives (Elder 2007, pp.11, 12). Another example in regards to attempts to tell Australian narratives and the way in which nationalism and racism could be highlighted along each other is objections of critics after the opening of national museum in Canberra (Hollinsworth 2006, p.245). The museum and its employees where criticized for what critics described as legitimizing false narratives of Australian history (Hollinsworth 2006, p.245). The museum is being criticized for ignoring the achievements of ‘dead white males’, including an exhibit which tells about quarantine of immigrants when once in Australia others were kept out of the country through making laws and erecting barriers (Hollinsworth 2006, p.245). These critics want to keep these stories and the victims silence and disregard many people who struggled in the way of making Australia “a more socially just and culturally inclusive society” (Hollinsworth 2006, p.246).

Additionally, it is important to pay attention to the concept of ‘blood’ as “ideas of race and stock, of blood and breed were fundamental to social and political ideologies of nationalism, imperialism and progress” (Hollinsworth 2006, pp.105-106). Because of the lack of scientific knowledge it was believed that the personality, character, morality and worth of Individuals were seen as mainly determined by their blood (Hollinsworth 2006, p.106). In Australia children of ‘mixed-race’ were only accepted in the white settlers’ community if their behavior was similar to the European side, otherwise they were regarded as having the indigenous ‘blood’ and were not accepted (Hollinsworth 2006, p.106).

Further on the relationship between racism and “bad” nationalism it is pointed out that the Australian government planned to mix Aboriginal people with the rest of Australia particularly the white people through a process called Assimilation. Assimilation is defined as the process of becoming united or becoming similar (Cashmore 1994, p.37). Arguably, assimilation is a racist ideology and policy which believes in the superiority of Anglo-Australian ways and asserts that others should adapt these ways (McConnochie, Hollinsworth and Pettman 1988, p.182). Assimilation is not only used in Australia but in many other countries such as Turkey. In Turkey the process of assimilation under the Kemalist policy of Atta Turk threatened the very existence of Kurds as a different nation from Turks (Van Horne 1997, p.213). The aim of the assimilation was to ultimately deny a separated identity called Kurds (Van Horne 1997, p.213). The process included intermarriage between Kurds and Turks in order to absorb Kurds in the Turkish society (Van Horne 1997, p.213).

An event which fuelled the flames of debates on racism and nationalism was the formation of Pauline Hanson’s One Nation Party. The party was formed to oppose government’s assistance to Aborigines, migrants and multiculturalism (Hollinsworth 2006, p.230). In her speech in the parliament Hanson stated “to survive in peace and harmony, united and strong, we must have one people, one nation, one flag” (Australian News Commentary 1996). Later she claimed that she fights for the rights of the white community, Italians, Greeks and other communities apart from Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders (Hollinsworth 2006, p.230). She also regarded Asians as different as they have different religion and culture from ghettos and cannot integrate into the Australian community (Hollinsworth 2006, p.230). Although Pauline Hanson rejects any claims that she is racist, her statements and views are a new form of racism where people’s identity and worth are not measured according to their physical appearance (Hollinsworth 2006, pp.230-233). In this new form of racism the scales for measurement are culture and religion. In Australia there are two types of racism which are called symbolic racism and blatant racism (Hollinsworth 2006, p.233). Symbolic racism is related to national identity as an Australian (Hollinswrth 2006, p.233). Supporters’ decision to vote for Hanson’s Party and support her was strongly interrelated with symbolic racism and moderately with blatant racism (Hollinsworth 2006, p.233). In the view of the supporters of One Nation Party Australian identity was seen as exclusively ‘white’ and Anglo and the existence of Asians and Aborigines was a challenge to their power and supremacy (Hollinsworth 2006, p.233).

Similar to One Nation Party in Australia and Pauline Hanson’s statement about one people, one nation, one flag, Erdoğan the prime minister of Turkey recently said "What have we said? We have said, one nation, one flag, one motherland and one state” (ALTINTAŞ 2008). This statement affirms that the Turkish government is ignoring the rights of Kurds who by all means are a different nation on their own land now occupied by Turkey.

Overall this paper discussed the relationship between racism and nationalism and also included colonialism as a critical term in examining this relationship. In the paper nationalism is defined in different ways and it is divided into two different types which are “bad” nationalism and “good” nationalism. Also colonialism and racism have been defined. It is argued that there is a complex relationship between the three terms. Three countries of Britain, Turkey and Australia have been examined in discussing the relationship between racism and nationalism. In the paper different ways of using nationalism to oppress and discriminate minorities are discussed. From the argument it could be concluded that “bad” nationalism, colonialism and racism are all interrelated.

References:


ALTINTAŞ, E.B 2008, Is the AK Party turning its back on its Kurdish supporters?, Today’s Zaman, viewed 3 November 2008,
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Australian News Commentary 1996, Pauline Hanson's maiden speech in federal parliament, viewed 1 November 2008, <>.

Baylis, J & Smith, S 2001, The Globalization of World Politics: An introduction to international relations, 3rd ed, Oxford University Press, New York.
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Edgar, A & Sedgwick, P 1999, Cultural Theory: The key concepts, Routledge, London and New York.

Elder, C 2007, Being Australian: Narratives of National Identity, Allen &Unwin, NSW.

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Gray, G & Winter, C 1997, The Resurgence of Racism: Howard, Hanson and the Race Debate, Monash Publication in History, Victoria.

Hollinsworth, D 2006, Race and Racism in Australia, 3rd ed, Thomson, Social Science Press, Melbourne.

McConnochie, K, Hollinsworth, D & Pettman, J 1988, Race and Racism in Australia, Social Science Press, Australia.

Pettman, J 1986, What is racism?, in Anti-racism: a handbook for adult educators, Chamber, B and Pettman, J 1986, AGPS, Canberra.

Schaefer R.T 2008, Encyclopedia of Race, Ethnicity, and Society, SAGE publication, DePaul University, vol 2.

Solomos, J 1989, Racism, nationalism and ideology, in Race and racism in contemporary Britain, John Solomos 1989, Macmillan, London.

Todorov, T 1993, On Human Diversity: Nationalism, Racism, and Exoticism in French Though, Harvard University Press, Cambridge.

Tucker, E 1987, ‘Old Racism’, ‘New Racism’: The development of racist ideology, in Prejudice and the public arena: racism, Markus, A. and Rasmussen, R. 1987, Monash University, Melbourne.

Van Horne, W.A 1997, Global Convulsions: Race, Ethnicity, and Nationalism at the End of the Twentieth Century, State University of New York Press, New York.

Is social inequality between the super rich and the rest of the US increasing? Why?

The aim of this essay is to argue that social inequality between the super rich and the rest of the United States is increasing. Nowadays more Americans particularly African Americans live in poverty and do not enjoy the benefits of technology and wealth in a country which is in the forefront of globalization. Also from political perspective the voices of the poor especially African Americans are not heard or they do not have the opportunity to participate in the political process. In terms of politics and economic, social inequality refers to a situation where different groups in the society do not have the same opportunity and wealth for reasons such as race, gender, class and ethnicity. Two essential factors which cause social inequality in the world including the US are unjust politics and economy. Unequal share of wealth, income inequality has created classes in the US society and it will be argued that the upper class has managed to retain most of the wealth at the expense of the middle and the lower class.

Two essential factors which cause and deepen social inequality in the world including the United States are the unjust government’s economic policy and individuals fault as in the US the current government’s tax cut is in favor of the upper income earners more than the middle and the lower income groups (Caputo 2005, p.5). Also Caputo (2005, p.6) adds that the US’s federal taxation policy is in favor of high income earners and the low income earners pay the price. Findings suggest that in regards to the net effect of the Federal tax burden from1980s to 1990s the poor people as well as the middle income households were better off than under the current administration (Caputo 2005, p.16). Caputo (2005, p.7) argues that unlike the upper income earners, the middle income households experience decrease in their shares of income and this could threaten democracy in the US.
Signs of social inequality are in the ways of which people of a society live very differently from each other according to their gender, race, class and ethnicity in terms of having access to education, health care system, political participation and more (New Dimensions of Social Inequality, n.d). Using this definition this could be proved that social inequality is increasing between the super rich and the rest of the US as poor people are getting poorer and the number of homeless and hungry people is increasing (Watson 2007).

In a comparison between the former governments of Clinton, Reagan and G.H. Bush in regards to tax rates, the total effective tax rates among the highest quintile and top one percent during the Clinton’s administration was higher than Reagan and G.H. Bush’s administrations (Caputo 2005, p.8). However, the total effective tax among the middle and the lower income households with or with out children during Clinton’s administration was much lower than Reagan or G.H. Bush administrations (Caputo 2005, p.8). Evidence suggests that the Clinton’s government continued to benefit the lower and middle income families with children through a tax system which first started under G.H. Bush administration through providing them a greater share of after-tax income (Caputo 2005, p.14).

Wealth inequality started to rise sharply from 1975 and now compared to mid 1970s the level of wealth inequality has almost doubled (Wolff 2003, p.3). If dividing income earners, more than half of the wealth in the US is owned by the top five percent and the top twenty percent owns more than eighty percent of the total wealth (Wolff 2003, p.3). However the bottom twenty percent owns no wealth which means precisely they own no assets (Wolff 2003, p.3). Evidence shows that wealth inequality in the US is 0.82 which is close to the maximum level of inequality (Wolff 2003, p.2). It is suggested that the number of people in deep poverty is increasing in the US, while few others are getting richer (Parenti 2002, p.2). This ends up in more social inequality which affects poor people’s access to health and education as it is stated that rich people have better access to higher education and ultimately taking higher paying positions (Parenti 2002, p.1).

Along wealth inequality, there has bee a rise in income inequality as well; however the level of this increase is not as high as the level of wealth inequality (Wolff 2003, p.3). A comparison between the US, the Great Britain and Sweden shows that up to 1970s the level of wealth inequality was much lower in the US than Great Britain and Sweden. In contrast now as the level wealth inequality in many countries is decreasing, in the US this level is sharply increasing (Wolff 2003, p.5). Wolff (2003, p.5) believes that there are two factors behind the rise of wealth inequality which are increase in income inequality and the ratio between stock prices and housing prices. According to Wolff (2003, p.5) if stock prices goes up quicker than housing prices then the share of richest households wealth increases as the rich’s major assets is stock and small businesses while the middle class’s major assets is their home (Wolff 2003, p.5).

Inequality is proved to be a huge issue as it is harms the well being of societies (Wolff 2003, p.6). Compared to more equal societies, economic growth in unequal societies has a lower rate (Wolff 2003, p.6). In agreement, some researchers argue that those societies which tolerate inequality experience a very low economic growth than equal societies (Pizzigati 2005, p.40). Also in equal societies citizens benefit almost equally from education resources (Wolff 2003, p.6). This is not applied to the US as in the country there still is a huge difference in the total resources which go towards education. Consequently, the quality of schools and the level of performance at schools are unequal (Wolff 2003, p.6). This ultimately results in having less educated people in the work force compared to European countries such as Germany and Netherlands which affects the economic growth of the country (Wolff 2003, p.6).

African American families earn much less than the white families and it is estimated that African Americans has earn 60 percent of the average income of white families (Wolff 2003, p.4). In regards to wealth it is found that an average African American family has only 18 percent of the wealth of an average white family and this shows how people are treated according to their race in the US (Wolff 2003, p.4).

Wolff (2003, p.7) refers to tax and social expenditure system as the reasons of the high level of inequality in the US compared to other industrial countries. Compared to most of the Western European countries the US has a much lower taxes and a less progressive tax system. Consequently unlike the rich in Western European countries the rich in the US retain a higher share of their income, enabling them to accumulate a greater share of wealth (Wolff 2003, p.7). Compared to other advanced industrialized countries such as Canada and Japan, the US has a higher rate of poverty and the level of income support for poor families is much lower than these countries (Wolff 2003, p.7).

Evidence suggests that there is a link between fathers and sons class identity (Bjorklund and Jantti 1997, p.1009). A research study between fathers and sons from different background shows that sons of rich fathers turn out to be rich and sons of poor fathers turn out to be poor (Bjorklund and Jantti 1997, p.1016). It is called intergenerational mobility which is believed to be high in the US as findings suggest that forty percent of sons with poor fathers are also poor and forty percent of sons with rich fathers are rich as well (Bjorklund and Jantti 1997, p.1016).

Living expenses in the US has drastically increased to an extent where those poor people who have very limited budget to spend on food rather buy food which is cheaper and has higher calorie as they can not afford to buy healthy food. This results in more obesity (Spencer 2007). Krugman (2007) believes that the US has gone back to the levels of inequality which existed before 1920s. In regards to health inequality Krugman (2007) states that the US government spends huge amount of money on health care, but people are still uncovered and the reason is that “the system is wildly inefficient”. Pizzigati (2005, p.40) indicates that studies by Epidemiologists -Scientists show that the more unequal society the more unhealthy is the people of that society (Pizzagati 2005, p.40). In unequal society in Brazil, wealthy people spend millions of dollars on private security as they fear of being kidnapped in return for money (Pizzigati 2005, p.42).

Although the US’s economic achievement is high, the country has more poverty and lower life expectancy because income is heavily concentrated at the top (Krugman 2002). Evidence suggests that in the past thirty years there has been an unequal rise in the rich and the workers income (Krugman 2002). For instance from 1970 to 1999 average annual salary in America rose from $32,522 to $35.864 which is 10 percent increase in 29 years (Krugman 2002). However at the same time average real annual compensation of the top 100 C.E.O.’s increased from $1.3 million to $37.5 million which is estimated to be more than 1000 times the pay of normal workers (Krugman 2002).

Additionally, exploitation is a process where one class gets “an economic advantage at the expense of another class” (Sorensen 2000, p.1528). It is argued that exploitation in capitalism is out of sight because most likely workers agree to work in return for a wage but this wage is not the value of the workers’ product (Sorensen 2000, p.1528). In addition Sorensen (2000, p.1529) states that the wage which the workers receive is equal to the exchange value. There is a difference between wage and value produced and this difference is “the source of the capitalist’s surplus that generates profits, the end-all of all capitalist activity” (Sorensen 2000, p.1529). In this process the surplus is for the workers and at the expense of workers the capitalist becomes rich (Sorensen 2000, p.1529). Arguably, although capitalism brings about productivity, it promotes huge inequalities in the style and condition of life and this inequality decreases the possibility of fair equality of opportunity (Rubenstein 1993, p.187). Precisely unequal opportunities increase inequality in societies (Rubenstein 1993, pp.194-195). It is suggested that the US has a capitalist society and according to egalitarians a capitalist society is not able to provide and maintain equal opportunities, however this view has been rejected by some researchers (Rubenstein 1993, p.186). Also it is argued that “great inequalities of wealth undermine the equality of rights and political power” (Rubenstein 1993, p.198).

According Sorensen (2000, p.1524) exploitation refers to “a casual connection between the advantage and disadvantage of two classes”. Sorensen (2000, p.1524) further argues that this connection forms “latent antagonistic interests that when acted upon as a result of the development of class consciousness create class conflict”. Sorensen (2000, p.1524) defines the theory of inequality according to the theory of exploitation and states that “the theory of exploitation is the cause of advantages and disadvantages among classes”. Sorensen (2000, p.1524) further states that the theory of exploitation is “a Structural theory of inequality because the source of inequality resides in the relation between classes and not in the efforts and skills of the incumbents of these classes”.

Sorensen (2000, p.1553) strongly argues that nothing can guarantee that efficient labor market develop and maintain good lives. Therefore poor people need to be supported through governments in forms of income support in order to provide them with decent standards of living (Sorensen 2000, p.1553). Berinsky (2002, p.279) indicates that “social welfare programs in the United States is thin and ephemeral”. Additionally, Berinsky (2002, p.279) argues that the responsible factor in disadvantaging social welfare policy supporters is not only the larger political culture.

Finally, evidence suggests that social inequality between the super rich and the rest in the US is increasing. Unequal opportunity plays a big role in creating and increasing of inequality. Researchers claim that from 1970s up to now wealth inequality and income inequality has been increasing sharply and this has resulted in deepening the gap between the super rich and the rest of the US. Additionally, it is argued that poor people have less opportunity in the professional work force system as they have less access to education. Different factors are believed to be responsible in the rise of social inequality in the US; however all the factors can be gathered under two main headings of US politics and economy. Politics in the US praise capitalism which in this system the rich get richer at the expense of the poor and the poor gets poorer. The economic system of the US has helped the upper class to earn much more in less time. It is feared that increase in social inequality could threaten democracy in the US.

References

Berinsky, A. J 2002, Silent Voices: Social Welfare Policy Opinions and Political Equality in America, American Journal of Political Science, Vol 46, No.2.

Bjorklund, A & Jantti, M 1997, ntergenerational Income Mobility in Sweden Compared to the United States, American Economic Review, Vol 87, No.5.

Caputo, R.K 2005, “Distribution of the federal tax burden, share of after-tax income, and after-tax income by Presidential administration and household type, 1981-2000, Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare, Vol 32, No.2.

Krugman, P 2002, For Richer, The New York Times, viewed 25 April 2008, .

Krugman, P 2007-08, Where is the middle class?, ABC Radio National - Background Briefing, Australian Broadcasting Commission, Producer: Kirsten Garrett (Broadcast on 25 November 2007; rebroadcast February 2008.)

New Dimensions of Social Inequality, n.d, viewed 20 April 2008, .

Parenti, M 2002, The super rich are out of sight, Commondreams.org News Centre.

Pizzigati, S 2005, The rich and the rest, Futurist, 39 (4).

Rubenstein, D 1993, Capitalism, social mobility and disributive justice, Social theory and Practice, Vol 19, No.2.

Sorensen, A.B 2000, Toward a Sounder Basis for Class Analysis, American Journal of Sociology, Vol 105, No.6 .
Spencer, N 2007, Food prices rise, living standards fall for US families, viewed 20 April 2008, .

Watson, D 2007, US mayors’ report: Hunger and homelessness intensify in US cities, viewed 22 April 2008,
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Wolff, E 2003, The wealth divide: the growing gap in the United States between the rich and the rest, Multinational Monitor, Vol 24, No.5.


Critical response

The aim of this paper is to critically response and review an article called “A women studies war: stranger in a man’s world” written by Edna Lomsky-Feder in 1996.

The article is written from the perspective of the author which is a female as an interviewer who is researching and interviewing Israeli soldiers to gather information about their experience during a war. The author is the editor, producer and presenter. The aim of the author is to use her personal experience to create a link between language and identity. She builds her argument on an experience which has ultimately made her wonder about her self-identity and to find out about an identity inside her which she has not been able to see it before.

The author describes herself in a situation where the response from the soldiers has resulted in thinking about her identity twice and consequently her identity changes from an Israeli woman interviewing soldiers from her own country to a total stranger who is unfamiliar to the topic of war and the interviewees. There is a particular relationship between language and identity as in this case another factor plays an important role and that factor is gender. When the soldiers remind the interviewer that she cannot understand the experience and the situations which they have been through and how strange she is to their world, her identity changes and therefore the language of the interview also changes. Interestingly enough the interviewer is no longer just an interviewer but a woman who has no idea about a war which has happened in her own country and is strange to that world. It makes sense as taking up a role as an interviewer requires wide information and familiarity with the language of the interviewee is essential to understand their identity and their language of expression.

The author reveals that she has been unfamiliar with the language of the soldiers and they way they have described their situations and feelings; therefore she has tried to change her interview in three different stages. Each stage she takes on a different identity in order to get closer to the identity and the experience of the interviewees. The author shows that language and identity are strongly interacting. It also shows that language represents identity as in this case the language of the soldiers represents their identity which is unfamiliar to the author and has influenced her identity. The author states that she has finally accepted that she can use her identity as a stranger as a tool to expand and develop the interviews and that she has finally realized that she is unfamiliar with the world of the soldiers but it does not mean she cannot get close to them and to understand them.

The paper is successful in explaining the difficulties which a female in this case could come across in understanding an issue in a society which belongs to her but still unfamiliar with some part of it. It shows how an important group of people in a country identified as women are kept apart from men’s world to an extent where they are as much strangers as some foreigners are. It is also successfully concluded that being familiar to the language of expression is crucial in understanding the identity of a person or group of people even if they are all speak the same language.

Reference:

Lomsky-Feder, E 1996, A Woman studies war: stranger in a man’s world, Ethics and process in the narrative study of lives, Sage, London.


Has Bush administration improved Homeland security since 9/11? Why? Why not?

This essay would argue that the Bush administration has not improved homeland security since the September 11 terrorist attack. It will also be argued that the US is now more vulnerable to terrorist attack. The argument will be presented in four sections. The first section will briefly look at the September 11 attack and Bush’s response. The second section will introduce the threat of suicide attacks, a tactic used in September 11 attacks to carry out the maximum damage. The third section will look at the US’ capability to deal with catastrophic terrorism which is now a new threat to the US’ homeland security. The final section will discuss Bush’s homeland security plans and its outcomes. It will be argued that the Bush administration has not been able to improve homeland security because its responses and policies have been wrong from the start. Essentially the essay will focus on the current threat from Al-Qaeda to America’s homeland security.

The September 11 Attack and Bush’s response
The September 11 attack is known to be the biggest attack on the US homeland which shocked the nation and left them in fear and uncertainty about the future and their government (Mahan and Griset 2008, p.xiv). It is believed that the US still faces the threat of another attack most possibly by Al-Qaeda. Arguably the biggest threat to the US homeland security is terrorism and currently Al-Qaeda organization has created a fearful situation for the US in the Middle East and in the US itself. Bin Laden the leader of Al-Qaeda believes that the US wants to keep Muslims in poverty while imposing a Western culture which is deeply offensive to traditional Islam (Posen 2001, p.39). It is highly unlikely that Al-Qaeda would stop killing and opposing Americans and its allies because as Posen (2001, p.40) indicates Bin Laden views Israel as a foreign element in the Middle East which should be destroyed, also American military presence in Saudi Arabia must end. Arguably neither Israel will be destroyed nor will the US military withdraw from Saudi Arabia and this means the US faces an enemy which demands impossible things. They will kill the Americans for as long as the US does not give in to their demands (Posen 2001, p.42).

Some of the Bush’s responses to the September 11 attack were centralizing power and establishing a Homeland Security office to oversee continental defence against terrorism (La Feber 2000, p.14). In addition a new office was set up by the White House and the State Department in order to get its controlled message overseas, particularly to Islamic audiences influenced by Osama Bin Laden’s observations (La Feber 2000, p.15).

The threat of suicide terrorism to America’s homeland
Terrorists practise many types of terroristic attacks such as suicide attacks and bomb attacks, all aiming at achieving their goals, and that is forcing America and its allies out of the so called holy lands of Islam and Muslims. Suicide terrorism poses is a big threat to the US homeland security, therefore it needs more attention because it is easy to carry out and kills the maximum. Pape (2003, p.343) points out that nowadays terrorist organizations heavily rely on suicide attack in order to achieve their major political objectives. Some groups and organizations that have used this type of attack are Palestinian groups to force Israel out and Al-Qaeda to force the US to withdraw from the Saudi Arabian Peninsula (Pape 2003, p.343). Among the terrorist organizations the use of suicide attacks to achieve their goals has been increasing (Pape 2003, p.344). Pape (2003, p.344) argues that the reason is because “terrorists have learned that it pays” (Pape 2003, p.344).

The US does not face terrorism in only one place but in many places and this is another threat which the US homeland security faces. According to Pape (2003, p.346) it is because of the Bin Laden’s fatwa which calls on all Muslim anywhere in the World to kill Americans and their allies, civilians or military as according to him it is a duty for every Muslim to liberate Al-Aqsa Mosque and to force their enemies out of all the lands of Islam. The reasons for the current suicide attacks in Iraq and Afghanistan can be well explained by pointing out Pape’s argument (2003, p.344) which states that suicide terrorists attack those who are in their view occupier of a territory or have military force bases in that territory as the presence of America in Afghanistan and Iraq anger the terrorists organizations as they believe these countries belong to Muslims and America has no right to stay there.

Pape (2003, p.344) suggests that suicide terrorism could be controlled through an effective and promising way and that is to “reduce terrorist’ confidence in their ability to carry out such attacks on the target society”. Bush’s military response to suicide terrorism was not effective because according to Pape (2003, p.344) “states that face persistent suicide terrorism should recognize that neither offensive military action nor concessions alone are likely to do much good and should invest significant resources in border defenses and other means of homeland security”.

In regards to preventing suicide attacks Pape (2003, p.357) suggests that if Al-Qaeda continues suicide attacks against American homeland then the US needs to improve its domestic security. Pape (2003, p.357) points out that in the short term the US need to employ stronger security measures to control the borders in order to make it difficult for suicide terrorists to enter America. Also in the long term the US needs to reduce its dependency on Persian Gulf’s energy resources so the military could be withdrawn from the region and protect Americans from suicide attacks (Pape 2003, p.357).

America’s capability to deal with the threat of catastrophic terrorism and catastrophic events

Nowadays, catastrophic terrorism is a huge threat to the US, although it has not happened yet. Carter (2001, p.6) points out that before George Bush took office, he and his administration claimed that they would formulate their strategy around two issues which were the collapse of Moscow’s power and the growth of Beijing’s military and economic might “in a self-proclaimed return to big power realism” (Carter 2001, p.6). However after the September 11 attack catastrophic terrorism has dominated the Bush administration’s agenda (Carter 2001, p.6).

In regards to the ability of Americans to deal with catastrophic terrorism Carter (2001, p.18) believe that the American society for some reasons such as is being large and open, having complex and interconnected infrastructure, valuing free movement, free speech and privacy, is very weak in the battle against catastrophic terrorism. Posen (2001, p.41) confirms the US vulnerability to terrorism by pointing out that the US has not successfully policed its borders and transferring drugs, illegal immigrants, cash, guns and stolen cars is easy and anyone with money and patience can obtain explosives and other dangerous materials in the US. Carter (2001, p.18) suggests that the US should set up programs to strengthen its homeland security through employing technology not inside government, but in universities and private companies.

The 2005 Hurricane Katrina proved that the US is not yet prepared to deal with catastrophic events, including terrorist attacks as there were evidence of poor implementation of emergency plans, poor communication, and poor decision processes (Waugh 2008, p.11). All these contribute to the fact that Bush has not been able to improve Homeland Security after the September 11 attack.

Bush’s Administration and the US’ Homeland Security
In America so far four approaches have been recommended to manage the mission of homeland security and they are “the command and control approach of the Clinton administration, the lead agency approach, the establishment of Department of Homeland Security, and the appointment of a White House coordinator or ‘czar’” (Carter 2001, p.10). The Bush administration has focused on the last approach only, however like other three approaches it not sufficient on its own (Carter 2001, p.10).

The homeland security under the Bush’s administration has not been improved because as Carter (2001, p.22) points out America’s current capabilities to respond to catastrophic terrorism is not sufficient to protect Americans or the international order from many major new challenges. In agreement Noam Chomsky, a writer and critic of America’s policies in an interview with Schivone (2008, p.16), asserted that the US is very vulnerable to terrorist attacks. Chomsky criticizes Bush for not being able to improve security and failing to act according to the recommendations forwarded by the government commission after September 11 which suggested that the US-Canada borders need to be controlled (Schivone 2008, p.16). According to Chomsky, the Bush administration instead fortified the Mexican border which was not a serious source of possible terrorism (Schivone 2008, p.16). Chomsky argues that the Bush administration programs have not been designed to reduce terror but to increase terror as the Iraq invasion increased terror about seven fold (Schivone 2008, p.17). Iran’s nuclear program can be best explained by the motion that the US invasion of Iraq sent an indirect message to other countries. The message according to Chomsky was that ‘if you don’t obey what the US demands, they can invade you, so you better develop a deterrent’ (Schivone 2008, p.17).

In regards to the Bush’s ability to defeat terrorism and protect the US homeland security Abdel Bari Atwan who is the author and editor of the London-based Arabic daily newspaper Al-Quds Al Arabia states that “president Bush is not ending terrorism nor is he weakening it”, “rather Al-Qaeda now has powerfully developed into more of an ideology than an organization” (Schivone 2008, p.16). According to the 2007 National Strategy for Homeland Security (White House 2007, p.3), the event of Hurricane Katrina and its massive destruction and suffering reminded the Americans that terrorism is not the only big and fearful threat which they face, but nature can also be a huge threat to America’s homeland security. Such event and its consequences makes the US more vulnerable to attack as it is stated in the White House national strategy for homeland security (2007, p.3).

In the National Strategy for Homeland Security (White House 2007, p.9) it is pointed out that America “faces complex and dynamic threats from terrorism” as well as other threats such as natural disasters, accidents, and other hazards. It also stresses Al-Qaeda’s current ability to strike the homeland despite being disrupted and constrained after the September 11 attack and points out that “the United States faces a persistent and evolving terrorist threat” (White House 2007, p.9). Al-Qaeda is now in Pakistan and it has maintained and protected its leadership, therefore the possibility of another attack on America is still strong as they are regenerating in Pakistan’s Tribal areas (White House 2007, p.9). The US does not only face Al-Qaeda but other terrorist groups such as Hezbollah in Lebanon and they might consider attacking America’s homeland if they see the US a direct threat on them or their principle sponsor Iran (White House 2007, p.9).

The vulnerability of the US to another attack from Al-Qaeda organization has also been stressed by the National Intelligence Council as it points out that the US homeland face “a persistent and evolving terrorist threat over the next three years” and the main threat comes from Al-Qaeda and other Islamic terrorist groups (Martin 2008, p.290). The US is also vulnerable to the emergence of homegrown terrorists within its borders and arresting a small number of violent Islamic extremists indicates that there is the possibility that “others in the Homeland may become sufficiently radicalized to view the use of violence within the United States” (White House 2007, p.9).

Al-Qaeda still has the three capabilities which were critical to the success of September 11 attack and these are “the ability to identify a key vulnerability or gap in the defenses of its principle enemy…, the effective use of deception on board the four hijacked aircraft where the passengers and crew were deliberately lulled into believing that if they behaved and cooperated as they were told … they would not be harmed” and in the attack “suicide attack was employed to ensure the attack’s success” (Hoffman 2003, p.12). The biggest danger which the US faces comes from its support for Israel (Mearsheimer and Walt 2006, p.3). The US support for Israel has “inflamed Arab and Islamic opinion and jeopardized US security” (Mearsheimer and Walt 2006, p.1). US support for Israel is one of the sources of the rise of Anti-Americanism. According to Nye (2004) in recent years Anti-Americanism has increased and as a result the United States’ soft power has declined. In agreement Lundberg (2008, p.8) points out that instead of strengthening the US soft power, the Bush 43 administrations have weakened the US soft power “through a freeloader climate change posture, inconsistent nuclear non-proliferation policies, the occupation of Iraq …” (Lundberg, 2008, p.8).

Overall the Bush administration has not been able to improve homeland security due to its inappropriate policies and responses to the September 11 attack and the Hurricane Katrina. The war on Iraq and Afghanistan increased terrorism and as a result the US is now more vulnerable to terrorist threat than before. The threat from Al-Qaeda is now more serious as the organization is not in Pakistan and it tries to regenerate to launch more attacks on America and its Allies. Under the Bush administration America’s soft power has weakened and Anti-Americanism has increased. There still are huge issues in America which have not been controlled such as border security which is used to transfer drugs, explosive materials, illegal immigrants and more.


Reference:

Carter, A.B 2001, “The Architecture of Government in the Face of Terrorism.” International Security, 26 (3) Winter 2001-2002, viewed 8 June 2008,
.

Hoffman, B 2003, Al Qaeda, trends in terrorism, and future potentialities: An assessment”, Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, Vol 26, No.6, November 2003, viewed 8 June 2008, .

La Feber, W 2000, The Post September 11 Debate Over Empire, Globalisation, and Fragmentation”, Political Science Quarterly, Vol 117, No.1, Spring 2002.

Lundberg, D 2008, Bush Administration Reaganism and US primacy, University of South Australia, Adelaide.

Mahan, S & Grist, P 2008, Terrorism in Perspective, 2nd edition, Sage Publications, Los Angles.

Martin, G 2008, Essentials of Terrorism: Concepts and Controversies, Sage Publications, Lose Angles.

Mearsheimer, J.J & Walt, S.M 2006, The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy, Working Paper, Harvard University and University of Chicago.

Nye, J.S 2004, The Decline of America’s Soft Power: Why Washington Should Worry, foreign Affairs. Vol 83, No.3, May/June 2004.

Pape, R.A 2003, The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism, American Political Science Review, 97 (3) (Aug., 2003), viewed 5 June 2008,
.

Posen, B.R 2001, The Struggle against Terrorism: Grand Strategy, Strategy, and Tactics, International Security, Vol 26, No.3, Winter 2001-2002, viewed 8 June 2008,
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Schivone, G.M 2008, United Sates of Insecurity, Monthly Review, Vol 60, No.1, May 2008.

Waugh, W 2008, The Political Costs of Failure in the Katrina and Rita Disasters, The ANNALS of The American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol 604, March 2008.

White House, National Strategy for Homeland Security, White House, Washington, DC, October 2007, viewed 10 June 2008,
.

My identity

The purpose of this paper is to present my identity in twenty four hours while interacting with different people at different places and find out how other perceived my identity. It is a difficult task because normally people act and react as it happens without thinking about it before hand. But now I specifically need to write about my interactions and people’s reactions and I can already feel that I am acting and communicating differently and observe other people’s reaction closely and immediately.
My Identity! Who am I?

I would write about my identity as a taxi driver who is always seen as a foreigner and different. My findings might not be one hundred percent accurate as I keep records of things that happen and things which I do and say.

Some people in the taxi talk to me in a language that I do not like but I have no control over that as they are free to choose words and ask questions in certain ways. As Shohamy (2006, p.5) points out people are free to select and choose words, intonation and ways of expression. But one thing which those people often do not consider is how this type of communication is viewed by others and how it affects them. For instance asking questions such as “Where are you from?” always hurt my feelings. It is not the question itself but the things which it remind me of. The answer to that question for everyone is normal, basic and simple, but for me it is hard and hurtful as my country is not independent and I do not know how to explain it to them. There were also other questions. The way in which I answer the questions is always different and it is always based on my feelings on one hand and on the other hand it is based on how I identify the questioner.

From the faces of the one after one passenger I could tell that they all considered me a stranger, someone who does not belong to their group. I put on a smile to show the friendly side of my identity; however this was not always welcomed by passengers. During the whole time I was considered as an outsider of their group (Australians). I was identified as different and therefore kept away from their “ingroup” (Benwell 20056, p.25). There were three people in the car. They saw a young person with black skin. They immediately said “we cannot even see her face” meanings that she is very black. Then one of them said “shhhh”. They identified me as other and different because of the colour of my skin and my hair.

As a taxi driver I need to act friendly and be tolerant even if I am in my worst mood of the day. That means I am not always the real me but someone whose conditions of work forces him to act opposite to his deep down feelings. As I drive through the night I had a mask on face showing a happy, hard working man who has enough patience to take in all kinds of communication and behaviour with a big heart.

I picked up two young people. Conversation started and somehow I talked about my life and my study as an Australian citizen and the ways in which I try to balance them, and then I hear one of them at the back of the car saying “do you like it in hear?”, “Will you go back to your country?”, “Why did you come to Australia anyway?”. All these questions suddenly disappointed me and made me ask myself who am I if I am not an Australian. My identity is denied back in the country that I have come from. I came here hoping that I will be identified as someone. I have always heard these questions and comments but they have never hurt me as much as they do now. Often passengers identify me with Middle Eastern people regardless of who I am and whether I want to be identified as a member of that group. As Blommaert (2005, p.205) points out people are often grouped by others even if they do not want to belong to that certain group.

It did not take long when another passenger came in and without having any previous conversation he asked “are you Greek?” That means he already had shaped an identity of me in his mind. This situation is best described by Blommaert (2005, p.206) stating that “identities can be there long before the interaction starts and thus condition what can happen in such interaction”.

I now see the important role of language in very simple and basic daily conversations. Language is not just a means of communication but a machine for thinking and feeling (Wierzbicka 2006, p.299). Through the language which I and the passengers used, forms of communications were created and every time these communications moved and affected my feeling and thought. Every single person created a topic and an issue for me to think about only through the language of expression which they used. If they had interacted with me through a different language of expression, my thoughts and feelings would have been different.



Reference:

Benwell, B. & Stokoe, E. (2006). Theorising discourse and identity. In Benwell, B. & Stokoe, E. Discourse and identity. Edinburgh. Edinburgh University Press. (pp.17-47).

Blommaert, J 2005, Identity, In Blommaert, J. Discourse. A critical introduction, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

Shohamy, E 2006, Expanding Language, In Shohamy, E, Language policy. Hidden agendas and new approaches, London, Routledge.

Wierzbicka, A 2006, English: Meaning and culture, Oxford University Press, USA.